Results for “thaler”
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The High Cost of Free TV

Despite the fact that 91 percent of American households get their television via cable or satellite huge chunks of radio-spectrum are locked up in the dead technology of over-the-air television.  In his Economic View column today Richard Thaler features the work of our GMU colleague Tom Hazlett who argues that auctioning off the spectrum to the high value users would generate at least $100 billion for the government and generate a trillion dollars of value to consumers.  Thaler writes:

I KNOW that this proposal sounds too good to be true, but I think the opportunity is real. And unlike some gimmicks from state and local governments, like selling off proceeds from the state lottery to a private company, this doesn’t solve current problems simply by borrowing from future generations. Instead, by allowing scarce resources to be devoted to more productive uses, we can create real value for the economy.

Escalation games markets in everything

Dick Thaler writes:

Swoopo has even sold cash using this format – specifically, checks for $1,000. My colleague Emir Kamenica and I looked at 26 such auctions we found in a data set posted on the Swoopo Web site. For each of these, the average revenue to Swoopo was $2,452. Winning bidders also did well: Of the winners, all but two made money even after accounting for the cost of their bids, with an average profit of $658. Still, the important point to remember is that, collectively, bidders are losing money. Only the lucky last bidder is a winner.

At the end of the column Thaler adds:

In my previous column, I tried to nudge Steve Jobs to have an app written for the Apple iPhone that would allow users to sign up easily to become organ donors.

Mr. Jobs can relax. Raymond Cheung from Serenity Integration read the column and made it happen. IPhone users can download the free Donate Lives app and sign up directly on their phones.

How to get people to vote

KAHNEMAN: …there are
those effects that are small at the margin that can change election
results.

You call and ask people ahead of time, "Will you vote?". That’s all.
"Do you intend to vote?". That increases voting participation
substantially, and you can measure it. It’s a completely trivial
manipulation, but saying ‘Yes’ to a stranger, "I will vote" …

MYHRVOLD: But to Elon’s point, suppose you had the choice of calling up
and saying, "Are you going to vote?", so you prime them to vote, versus
exhorting them to vote.

KAHNEMAN: The prime could very well work better than the exhortation
because exhortation is going to induce resistance, whereas the prime‚ the mild embarrassment causes you to make what feels like a
commitment, and the commitment, if it’s sufficiently precise, is going
to have an effect on behavior.

THALER: If you ask them when they’re going to vote, and how they’re going to get there, that increases voting.

KAHNEMAN: And where.         

Here is the whole dialogue, on the importance of the environment and priming effects for human psychology; it is very interesting throughout.  I thank Stephen Morrow for the pointer.

So how do you get some people not to vote?

Assorted links

1. Via Craig Newmark, a short class on behavioral economics (are the speakers or the audience more impressive?)

2. List of very good contemporary TV shows

3. Diasyrmus

4. The first Haitian opera (to buy it, right click on "shop" and then click on the Dutch phrase at the bottom of the page)

5. Nursing home reform I can favor.

6. Which three Senators receive the most Fannie Mae money?

Rational Spelling

Here’s a great, little video from Ed Rondthaler former president of the American Literacy Council and author of The Dictionary
of Simplified American Spelling
.  Loyal readers will know that simplified spelling or what I call rational spelling holds a special place in my heart.

I worry that the tyranny of spell checkers impedes evolution towards rational spelling.

Hat tip to Boing Boing.

The wisdom of Tim Harford

Libertarian paternalism is the brainchild of Profs Thaler and
Sunstein, but nudging is not. Nudging is good architecture, good design
or good marketing and most nudges have been invented by private sector
companies. Prof Thaler’s best policy idea – a pension plan called Save
More Tomorrow – was tried by a manufacturing company rather than a
government.

Effective nudges are so common in the private sector
that politicians should be asking themselves why.

Here is more.

Spend More Today

In Nudge Thaler and Sunstein motivate their Save More Tomorrow plan with the following unfortunate illustration:

Consider, for example, the case of Tony Snow, the former White House press secretary, who resigned at age fifty-two in 2007 to return to the private sector.  He said his motivation for leaving was financial.  "I ran out of money," he told reporters…Before serving as press secretary, Snow worked a much more lucrative gig as a Fox News Channel anchor.  But he arrived at the White House not having learned Retirement 101 lessons.  "Snow conceded: ‘As a matter of fact, I was even too dopey to get in on a 401(k).’

Sadly, Snow’s choices now look optimal.  Ok, I know that may be in poor taste but let’s try to rescue this observation with some theorizing.  Are we more likely to commit the error of saving too much or too little?

There are people who don’t save much because they have very low incomes, their behavior does not seem to be in error, especially when we take into consideration the various welfare programs that will cover people in their old age.

So let’s focus on people with moderate to high incomes.  Thaler and Sunstein say that we are more likely to make errors when the benefits are upfront and the costs are delayed.  Eating too much chocolate being a classic example.  Ok, that suggests we may save too little.

T. and S. also argue that the less frequent a decision the more likely are errors.  Frequency, however, cuts both ways – we only die once – so that’s a wash.

Over confidence and in particular the idea that we are special and will live a long life suggests the error is saving too much.  Note that we also tend to think that our partner will be alive as well.  My wife once asked me whether we were saving enough for "our" retirement.  "Sure," I said, "don’t forget one of us will probably die before the other and I’m not saving for your future husband."  "Why," she replied with a sigh, "can’t economists be more human?"   

Availability bias probably also suggests we save too much – we see people who saved too little in the street but the ones who saved too much are dead and gone. 

In theory, optimal saving equalizes the marginal utility of income across one’s lifetime – some programs like Kotlikoff’s ESPlanner attempt to calculate such an eqi-marginal utility flow and Kotlikoff’s finding is that a large fraction of Americans, some 40%, are saving too much.  Kotlikoff’s program takes into account that we may need less wealth when we are old and retired (e.g. less transportation for work related reasons) but not that the marginal utility of wealth may be lower when we are old.  (e.g. Money’s not so valuable if you don’t need it to or can’t use it to attract a mate.)  Thus over-saving may be even more common than Kotlikoff suggests.

I do not know which error is more prevalent but if we are to be neither spendthrift nor miser we need to recognize both types of error.

What I’ve Been Reading

1. Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness, by Richard H. Thaler and Cass R. Sunstein.

I liked Alan Schwartz’s Amazon review: ""Buy on apples, sell on cheese" is an old proverb among wine merchants. Taking a bite of an apple before tasting wine makes it easier to detect flaws in the wine, and the buyer who does so will not as easily make the mistake of paying more than the wine is worth. Cheese, on the other hand, pairs well with wine and enhances its flavor, so a seller who offers cheese may command a higher price for the wine (and may even deserve it, if the wine is intended to be drunk with cheese).""

2. Clay Shirky, Here Comes Everybody: The Power of Organizing Without Organizations.  Yes, that’s the Clay Shirky.  This is (implicitly) a very good Hayekian, spontaneous order treatment of social software on the web.  The book poses a simple and important question: what happens when it is virtually costless to organize people into groups?

3. Starved for Science: How Biotechnology is Being Kept Out of Africa, by Robert Paarlberg.  The point is unassailable, the subtitle says it all.

4. Steve Coll, The Bin Ladens: A Saudi Family in the American Century.  So far it’s great.  I know you’re sick of reading about Bin Laden; just think of it as a (partial) history of the Saudis.

Addendum: The new "Nudge" blog is here.

Predictably Irrational, by Dan Ariely

When we set the price of a Lindt truffle at 15 cents and a Kiss at one cent, we were not surprised to find that our customers acted with a good deal of rationality: they compared the price and quality of the Kiss with the price and quality of the the truffle, and then made their choice: About 73 percent of them chose the truffle and 27 percent chose a Kiss.

Now we decided to see how FREE! might change the situation.  So we offered the Lindt truffle for 14 cents and the Kisses free…

But what a difference FREE! made.  The humble Hershey’s Kiss became a big favorite.  Some 69 percent of our customers (up from 27 percent before) chose the FREE! Kiss, giving up the opportunity to get the LIndt truffle for a very good price. 

That is from Dan Ariely’s new and excellent Predictably Irrational: The Hidden Forces that Shape Our Decisions.  Here is Dan’s book-related blog.  All of a sudden my head is spinning, wondering what a relative price ratio really means (we can’t divide by zero).  Or is this just the Alchian and Allen theorem on steroids, namely the claim that fixed charges encourage the consumption of the higher quality good?  Or I think: "Zero, is there something special about that number?"

There is more on the way in behavioral economics.  There is Sway: The Irresistible Pull of Irrational Behavior, by Ori and Rom Brafman and Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth and Happiness, the defense of voluntary paternalism from Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein, due out later this June and April respectively.

Who will win the Nobel Prize in economics this year?

Greg Mankiw asks and receives many answers

One guess is William Nordhaus, for his concept of "green accounting."  An environmental prize is overdue but perhaps Nordhaus is too skeptical about stringent anti-global warming measures to get the appropriate reception in Stockholm.

Another option is Eugene Fama, both for testing CAPM for securities prices and for figuring out what is wrong with it.  You can imagine pairing his prize with either Richard Thaler (behavioral finance) or Kenneth French (Fama’s co-author on many important papers).

Or how about Oliver Williamson and/or Jean Tirole for principal-agent theory as applied to the business firm?

I would offer the prize jointly to Anne Krueger, Jagdish Bhagwati, and Gordon Tullock for their work on rent-seeking, but that is not my prediction.  Readers, what do you think?

Thinking about Sports and Economics

I spent last Saturday at a very interesting conference on Sports Statistics, run by the Sports Stats section of the American Statistical Association.  It was a fun day, involving academics, sports journalists, and those Moneyball-inspired quants working for various sports teams.

But at some point I asked myself: Why do economists work on sports?

  1. Sports provide unique opportunities to test economic theories.  Cribbing from a New York Times article, this is the Thaler defense:

    “‘My justification for doing this is that it’s the one really
    high-stakes activity where you get to watch all of the decisions,”
    Thaler said. ”If Bill Gates invited me to watch all of his decisions,
    I’d talk more about that.”

  2. Sports shapes broader national debates.  Sports is a microcosm of our broader society and our national narrative on the important issues, from drugs, to race, to cheating, to sexual harrassment often play out on our sports pages.  In honor of a particularly compelling example, let’s
    call this the Jackie Robinson defense.
  3. Professional sports are an important part of the economy.  I call this the Dog defense, not as a dyslexo-religious statement, but simply because dogs raise an important question: aren’t pets a bigger part of the economy than professional athletics?  If so, why are there so many papers on professional sports and so few on the economics of dogs?
  4. Sports participation is an important activity.  It seems important to learn whether sports make us happier, healthier or more productive.  For instance, it is important to learn, say, what the broader effects of Title IX were.  Under this view, research on sports is part of the human capital agenda, leading me to call this the Gary Becker defense.
  5. Sports provides a useful teaching metaphor.  Many of those teaching Sabermetrics-inspired courses argue that sports provides a useful vehicle for teaching something far more important – basic quantitative reasoning.  When I teach my class on behavioral economics, I do so by analyzing anomalies in sports betting markets.
  6. Doing research on sports is fun.  It was no mistake that the conference I attended was on a Saturday.  Many of the academics in attendance were giving up leisure, not more important work. But for some, sports provides a chance to mix work with leisure; of course, if non of the above arguments holds, then it is just a chance to mix leisure with leisure.

Let me now translate this into advice, because I often hear from students wanting to write a thesis on sports.   My first response is always: Don’t.  Too often, we find our sporting heroes more interesting than other people do.  (Yes, I have been guilty of breaking this rule.)

But if you must work on sports, make sure you have a defense to this charge. I find the Thaler and Becker defenses most compelling, because they speak to the broader economic issues or yield policy implications.  The Jackie Robinson defense is also important, but not applicable often enough.  The Dog defense is often raised, but rarely compelling; neither pets, nor professional sports, are really a big part of the economy (estimates to the contrary usually turn out to be more applicable to the Becker defense).

Libertarian paternalism

There is a new Econoblog, Mario Rizzo vs. Richard Thaler.  Here is Mario in closing:

Richard wants to use the word "libertarian" to differentiate his
paternalism from the traditional variants.  Yet he uses the word in a
fuzzy way.  He wants to define libertarian along a continuous variable
— the cost of exercising the exit option.  However, libertarianism, as
every libertarian understands it, uses a bright-line test — who
imposes the cost?

The phrase "libertarian paternalism" is misleading.  It isn’t libertarian, but I don’t mean this point in the usual "rage against governmental coercion" sort of way.  A more consistent Thaler would simply emphasize that both paternalism and coercion are often ill-defined concepts or perhaps matters of degree.  Thaler wants to shock us by rejecting non-paternalism but when pressed he denies the underlying distinctions behind his big claim in the first place.  In other words, the whole debate should be focused on specific proposals, there is less to the philosophy than meets the eye.