Results for “corporate tax”
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Economic deconstructions of rock songs

First comes a quotation from the lyrics, then an analysis, for instance:

"From the Monongaleh valley
To the Mesabi iron range
To the coal mines of Appalacchia
The story’s always the same
Seven-hundred tons of metal a day
Now sir you tell me the world’s changed
Once I made you rich enough
Rich enough to forget my name"

This excerpt from Bruce Springsteen’s song "Youngstown" suggests that
he is owed something for making the plant owners rich. According to
economists Paul Gomme and Peter Rupert,
labor’s share of value-added in the nonfinancial corporate sector is
around 74%. Are these perspectives at odds with one another? Please
explain.

Here is the blog, an offshoot from Division of Labor.  Here is a discussion of "Rock Island Line."  Here is George Harrison’s "Taxman."  Thanks to Dan Klein for the pointer.

Alan Blinder worries about free trade

Mr. Blinder’s answer is not protectionism…he accepts the economic logic that U.S. trade with large low-wage countries like India and China will make all of them richer — eventually.  He acknowledges that trade can create jobs in the U.S. and bolster productivity growth.  But he says the harm done when some lose jobs and others get them will be far more painful and disruptive than trade advocates acknowledge.  He wants government to do far more for displaced workers than the few months of retraining it offers today.  He thinks the U.S. education system must be revamped so it prepares workers for jobs that can’t easily go overseas, and is contemplating changes to the tax code that would reward companies that produce jobs that stay in the U.S.

Here is the article.  Arnold Kling says technological progress will be more important than trade.  I think that China is due for a crack-up and India will soon bump up against its horrible legal and educational systems.  I saw that economists are listed as among the most threatened groups, but I doubt if the United States can look forward to the liberation of so much talented and witty labor.  I also think that corporate welfare is a bad idea, and that universities should not train everyone to be a small town divorce lawyer.  Teaching reading and writing would be a good start.

When our economists start preaching that we should look to economists and higher educators to predict the new, growing economic sectors, I again think that the Chinese are not the major problem.

Dynamic public finance models

A loyal MR reader asks:

What are your thoughts on the new dynamic optimal public finance policy models being built and simulated?  Will they yield any new insights applicable for the real world, or are they a fad?

Real insights maybe, real measurements for sure.  I take this paper by Mankiw to be a paradigmatic example.  Through this body of literature we learn, or confirm our previous intuitions, that:

1. Cutting U.S. income tax rates is not, in general, self-financing.  We also get a rough idea of how much revenue we can make up in the long run.

2. Many forms of corporate and capital income taxation are, in the long or even medium run, inefficient.

3. Ideally we should move to a consumption tax.  (NB: Moving outside the models, I am scared that this kind of tax reform will just turn into another tax increase.  We’ll add a VAT to income taxation rather than shift to the VAT.  Yikes.)

These results are the bread and butter of applied public finance.  You can complain all you want about the assumptions, the artificiality, and the use of intuition to throw out unacceptable calibrations, but at the end of the day there is not a better way to do the work. 

A fad, perhaps, but there is nothing wrong with that.  The Beatles were a fad too.

By the way, here is an interesting paper on a different frontier in public finance, namely field experiments.

#10 in a series of 50.

For-profit charities?

Google is walking down this path:

The ambitious founders of Google…have set up a philanthropy, giving it seed money of about $1 billion and a mandate to tackle poverty, disease and global warming.  But unlike most charities, this one will be for-profit, allowing it to fund start-up companies, form partnerships with venture capitalists and even lobby Congress.  It will also pay taxes.

One of its maiden projects reflects the philanthropy’s nontraditional approach.  According to people briefed on the program, the organization, called Google.org, plans to develop an ultra-fuel-efficient plug-in hybrid car engine that runs on ethanol, electricity and gasoline.

Here is the full story, and look for more of this model in the future.  As wealth grows, and many large benevolent ventures do not need to fundraise, their will opt for more flexible organizational forms.  Of course if these activities turn a profit, Google shareholders can take the profits home as dividends.  So some of these activities will be normal corporate investments, dressed up as "for-profit charity" for public relations purposes.  Here is Eric Posner on for-profit charities.

Papers to shock the unwary

The lead article in the August 2006 Journal of Political Economy offers the following abstract:

We solve each household’s optimal saving decisions using a life cycle model that incorporates uncertain lifetimes, uninsurable earning and medical expenses, progressive taxation, government transfers, and pension and social security benefits.  With optimal decision rules, we compare, household by household, wealth predictions from the life cycle model using a nationally representative sample.  We find, making use of household-specific earnings histories, that the model accounts for more than 80 percent of the 1992 cross-sectional variation in wealth.  Fewer than 20 percent of households have less wealth than their optimal targets, and the wealth deficit of those who are undersaving is generally small.

In other words, most Americans are saving enough for their retirements.  The authors (John Karl Scholz, Ananth Seshardi, and Surachai Khiatrakun) stress that their data cover only the early 90s, although if anything they believe this biases their estimates downwards by missing out on later capital gains.  Here is the paper.

Notes: This result does not deny that America may face coming demographic problems for funding social programs, most of all Medicare.  But next time you read that "the U.S. savings rate is zero," think back on this blog post and on that paper.

Jane Galt as dictator

If I were in charge of the budget, we would massively reform entitlements, transforming Social Security into a system of forced savings combined with a means-tested fallback for those too poor to save, or whose investments tanked at the wrong time. We would kill the whole Medicare/Medicaid debacle, along with the tax deduction for corporate-provided health care benefits, replacing it all with catastrophic federal insurance for those whose medical bills exceed 15-20% of gross income (phasing out for those whose incomes put them in, say, the top .1% of earners) and another means-tested benefit for those who genuinely cannot afford to spend 15% of gross income on health care benefits. I would combine this with the Jane Galt Tax Plan to save the government a whole mess o’ money, while making the economy more efficient, and increasing the incentives for everyone, rich and poor alike, to create value for society. Forget Win-Win . . . that’s like Winwin!

Here is the link; there is much more.  Elsewhere in the blogosphere, it is also worth reading Dan Drezner on Asian exports.

Should Verizon be allowed to charge Internet content providers?

I have long feared this development:

Verizon, Comcast, and their ilk have been lobbying Congress to
transform the Internet into a two-tiered system. By tagging content,
broadband providers would ensure that their own packets (or those from
companies paying them protection money) get preferential treatment and
reach subscribers faster than second-tier content. This would give
companies like Verizon a tremendous advantage as they roll out their
own television and VoIP telephone services.

Telco-cable companies have spent billions to lay down broadband pipe
and want a return on their investment. They are tired of bandwidth hogs
like Google, Amazon, and Microsoft getting a free ride. This was fine
when the Internet consisted mostly of e-mail and static Web pages. With
the advent of online video, Internet telephony, and IPTV, Verizon, AT&T, and BellSouth want content providers to share the cost.
Their reasoning: If Google is going to introduce a video service,
shouldn’t it have to pay for some of the bandwidth it scarfs down?

…If the telcos and cable companies get their way, we’ll have a
Balkanized Web. Content providers who can afford to pay for premium
service will market superior products to consumers with fast
connections. Everyone else will make do with second-class companies at
second-class speeds.

There is much more in this fascinating article.  In purely economic terms, the idea of charging Google or other "bandwidth hogs" does not sound outrageous.  (What would the incidence of such a price hike be?  Would cable connections become cheaper, or do the cable companies have too much mononpoly power?)  But in public choice terms, this would bring politically-influenced pricing.  Don’t expect porn or blogs to get a break.  The net would become much more corporate.  The perils of regulation aside, Verizon probably would favor its own products, and no, Harold Demsetz never disproved this tendency. 

The beauty of the status quo is that web sites compete on the basis of consumer surplus alone.  The bandwidth costs end up as a fixed charge on net access as a whole; I suspect this hits many inelastic demanders, a’la the Ramsey rules for optimal taxation.  Admittedly it may be a bad deal for the poor who cannot afford to connect, but the overall arrangement enhances the long-run "competition of ideas" feature of the net.

One second-best solution is to charge users for bandwidth per se, while not discriminating across differing uses of that bandwidth.  In essence this would tax file-sharing while leaving most content decisions unaltered.  Alternatively, a tiered net could lead to more Wi-Fi networks, whether at the municipal level or constructed by Google.  If that is where we are headed anyway, this apparently troubling development could rebound to our collective advantage.  We might end up bearing the fixed costs of the transition sooner than is optimal, but again the dynamic benefits of the new arrangement might swamp that problem.

Comments are open…will my free market readers defend Verizon’s right to charge Google bandwidth fees?

Austan Goolsbee is smart

Try this:

The evidence shows that companies are particularly likely to raise
prices when the government is footing the bill. Economists Mark Duggan
at the University of Maryland and Fiona Scott Morton at Yale studied
the prices of the top 200 drugs in the United States from 1997 to 2002.
They found that drug makers gamed the government procurement rules that
forbid companies from billing Medicaid more for a drug than they bill
private consumers. When private-sector demand for a drug is small
compared with the demand of Medicaid patients (as is the case, for
example, with antipsychotics), drug companies massively inflate the
price of the drug for private buyers. Sure, they lose some business
from that part of the market. But they more than make up for that loss
by being able to bill the government at a vastly higher price for the
Medicaid patients.

And this:

As the moral-hazard problem for medical expenses becomes a corporate
rather than individual matter, the solution that economists currently
favor–Health Savings Accounts–will fail to rein in costs. The HSAs
won’t fix things because they change the incentives of individuals, not
companies. Indeed, as more people get HSAs, we may very well see the
companies raise prices even further to capture the tax-free savings in
people’s accounts. That would be exactly analogous to what has happened
with "529" college savings programs. In 2001, Congress passed a tax
break for college savings accounts. As I wrote three years ago,
the plans were "supposed to be an enormous federal tax subsidy for
education." But the small number of financial firms that are approved
to manage the 529 accounts have basically captured that subsidy by
raising their investment fees to levels well above those in the regular
investment market.

I believe the argument, although it remains a puzzle why these markets do not behave in a more competitive fashion…

Bait and Switch: final installment

I talk about labor markets and public policy, here is one nibble from my final Slate.com piece:

…displaced white-collar workers do not lead my list of victims deserving compensation. It is unfair that a 56-year-old is now expected to compete in a world for which he was never prepared. But we ought to be realistic. These transitional costs are borne by a class that has been about the richest and freest human history has seen. Let us say that you, Alan, could design a public policy to ease their readjustment. I probably would zero out that budget line and spend those funds in Niger, or on boosting the Earned Income Tax Credit, or paying for future Medicare benefits, or, dare I say it, lowering the corporate income tax as a means of encouraging white-collar re-employment.

Tyler’s Ideas for Bush’s Second Term

Here from an earlier post are Tyler’s ideas for a second term. Good ideas all. Keep your fingers crossed.

1. Eliminate all farm subsidies, tariffs, quotas and price supports.

2. Tell Western Europe it is paying for its own defense from now on.

3. Admit that the Medicare drug prescription bill was a mistake. Repeal it, and consider a revenue-neutral benefit that does not discriminate against prescription drugs. Introduce means-testing for Medicare to stop that program from bankrupting us. I would rather cut this benefit than repeal the tax cuts [tax shifts, correctly, though spending discipline could turn them into real tax cuts.] The long-run benefits of greater capital accumulation remain significant.

4. Negotiate bilateral free trade agreements as rapidly as possible. Start with Japan, the second largest economy in the world.

5. Strengthen America’s commitment to science. This will have implications for educational policy, immigration policy, and regulatory policy. Don’t restrict stem cell research. Hope that science comes up with affordable and politically sustainable solutions for global warming and clean energy independence. You might have libertarian objections to science subsidies, but the realistic alternative today is more government intervention.

6. Strengthen early warning systems against infectious diseases. Increase research into cures, vaccines, immunity, and the like. We don’t want the world to lose fifty million people to avian flu or some other malady.

7. Take in more immigrants, but demand higher levels of skills and education. At the very least, take in any revenue-positive immigrant.

8. Abolish the Department of Education.

9. Abolish the Department of Energy.

10. Repeal all corporate welfare.

11. Repeal the corporate income tax. Repeal the Alternative Minimum Tax. Admittedly these are “ifs,” depending on fiscal considerations.

12. Get on TV and tell the nation that a free economy is a critical source of our strength. Tell them you mean it, and then mean it. Economic growth is the greatest long-run gift we can give to the world.

Why have labor markets been slow to recover?

Employment is an increasingly lagging indicator, here is more data. Growth and productivity are humming along, but employment as a percentage of population fails to impress. Consider a few reasons why this might be:

1. Productivity growth is high, so employers are disinclined to hire more workers. The workers they already have are producing plenty. This explanation, of course, requires that firms have some market power, so they can’t sell all they want at prevailing market prices. There is then little point in hiring more workers, even if wages were to fall, because the extra output would be hard to sell at a good price. Of course if real demand were rising or otherwise robust, high productivity could cause firms to hire more workers rather than fewer.

This all may lead some of my astute readers to wonder what coordination failure is preventing Say’s Law from holding in this context. Does not supply create its own demand, at least barring a massive increase in the demand to hold money? Read Alex for more on this one.

2. The data may overstate the puzzle in the first place.

3. Maybe we are mismeasuring employment by focusing too much on the payroll survey and not enough on the household survey. But just try mentioning this one, and Brad DeLong will thwack you hard. Do note that Alan Greenspan agrees with Brad. The two measures are often quite different, but I have to go with the payroll survey here.

4. Health care costs per worker are extremely high. True, but this has been the case for some time.

5. Some parts of the Bush tax plan have induced firms to substitute capital expenditures for labor. And in the short run, capital and labor may be more substitutable, and less complementary, than in times past. Information technology can substitute for unskilled labor more than before.

6. Bush introduced a “tax cut for the rich,” rather than undertaking fiscal stimulus of the traditional Keynesian kind; read Brad on this one. I am less sanguine about traditional fiscal policy, plus this doesn’t explain why labor market recovery has been so slow, even if it might have been more rapid under different conditions.

7. Firms are outsourcing jobs overseas. The ever-excellent Daniel Drezner debunks this one, though I am not quite ready to assign it measure zero in effect.

8. For some unknown sociological or economic reason, workers are getting discouraged from seeking work more easily than in times past. They leave the labor force, which keeps the percentage of employed low but the unemployment rate low as well. I don’t rule this out, but I don’t have a contending hypothesis here either.

9. Firms are/were uncertain about terrorism, Iraq, corporate scandals, new information technologies, and sectoral shifts. Rather than locking in with hires, they will hold back and wait. But why would this affect labor more adversely than investment or stock prices?

10. Downward stickiness of wages. OK, this is what classical economics would lead you to expect, but in reality wages have become less sticky over time.

The bottom line: The conventional wisdom will opt for some combination of one and nine. Four, five, seven, and eight may explain further pieces of the puzzle. But I would sooner call the whole thing a continuing mystery. Note that most of these hypotheses imply that the economy can still become quite a bit better yet. Either Bush or Kerry will get credit for this, without deserving the plaudits.

Addendum: Arnold Kling adds to the mix.

Will John Kerry bring fiscal discipline?

No, but a Republican Congress might:

My AEI colleague Eric Engen and I [Kevin Hassett] just completed a detailed analysis of the Kerry spending proposals. To perform the analysis, we combed through Kerry’s web site and public statements to assemble a list of every spending promise he has made, and then dug through the public record to find third-party cost estimates for each of his proposals. When necessary, we adjusted the period for the existing score to the 10-year budget window using standard techniques. When we could not find such cost estimates, we relied on numbers that were supplied by the Kerry campaign. When the Kerry campaign did not provide cost estimates, we set the score for that promise to zero.

Even with that generous accounting, the Kerry spending promises add up to an extraordinary amount of money. Our best estimate is that Kerry’s proposals will add up to between $2 trillion and $2.1 trillion over the next ten years. Since the revenue from his tax proposals relative to the current baseline is actually negative, this implies that the Kerry proposal would increase the deficit by perhaps as much as $2.5 trillion over the next ten years.

On August 3, 2004, the Kerry campaign responded to criticisms such as this with a revised budget plan. The main difference between the first and second plans is that the campaign now claims to be able to save about $300 billion from eliminating corporate welfare. Even if we include this rather implausible savings in our estimate, the net increase in the deficit associated with Kerry’s proposals is on the order of $2.2 trillion.

What would he spend the money on? According to our analysis, roughly half of this additional spending is attributable to Senator Kerry’s health care proposals that would add more than $900 billion in federal outlays. Education expenditure accounts for nearly one quarter of Kerry’s new spending, with almost $500 billion added over ten years. A $400 billion expansion of military personnel and benefits for veterans comprises most of the remainder of Kerry’s spending plans, with the balance distributed among numerous social programs and increases in international aid.

I have not been through these numbers, but Kerry has not exactly been running on a platform of spending cuts. Most of all, I’d like to see a further analysis, weighting each number by the probability it will pass into law.

Thanks to TCS for the link.

Further thoughts on declining architecture

Last week I asked why urban architecture appears to have declined in the United States. Readers have offered two further suggestions (also read the trackbacks on the original post):

1. Property taxes create an incentive to improve interior quality rather than exterior quality

2. The need to accommodate automobiles makes it harder to design attractive buildings and cities.

The New York Times ran a feature story on exactly this question. Here is a key passage:

As more high-profile buildings by foreign architects rise in the United States, and as computers allow architects to strive for engineering, design and construction complexities never before imagined, a gathering rumble can be heard across the profession about the way America builds. The country has garnered a reputation for overlooking gaping joints, sloppy measurements and obvious blemishes, and refusing to deviate from even the most outmoded standardized practices. Having exported its expertise, in the 80’s and early 90’s, to destinations from Singapore to Dubai, it is now facing stiff competition from Europe and Asia, where the building traditions favor singularity, craftsmanship and durability over speed and cost.

Most recently at Seattle’s new Central Library, Rem Koolhaas, the Dutch architect, set out to debunk what is perceived as an all-too-common attitude in the American construction industry: if it looks hard to build, don’t, because it will be too expensive. According to Joshua Ramus – a partner at Koolhaas’s firm, Office of Metropolitan Architecture, who is in charge of American projects – no American contractor wanted to take on the building’s highly unusual structure, which is folded like a gigantic mesh party napkin. “They said there was no way anyone could do that on that budget,” Mr. Ramus said of the $165 million library. “We said: `Invest in thinking. It may be expensive but it’s a lot cheaper than bad building.’ “

Construction in the United States relies on the quick fix, said Sara Hart, a senior editor at Architectural Record. “Got a gaping one-inch space between frame and window? Just fill it in with silicone and call it a day. Not perfectly flush or plumb? Who cares!” is the typical American response, she said. “While in Germany or Switzerland, they’d rather die than have a gap of more than one-eighth or even one-sixteenth of an inch.” And though no one is calling Frank Gehry’s Walt Disney Concert Hall slapdash, most American construction aspires to cookie-cutter commercial development rather than high-profile brand-name architecture. Furthermore, in Europe, buildings tend to be smaller and clients accustomed to spending more. One way or another, the conditions have made for considerable bragging rights on the part of European and Asian architects.

Dana Buntrock, an architecture professor at the University of California, Berkeley, and the author of “Japanese Architecture as a Collaborative Process” (Spon Press, 2001), said she once believed that quality was tied to wealth. “Now I am beginning to wonder if well-built architecture occurs only at a very fragile economic moment,” she said. “You need not only affluence, but a group of people who are well paid enough to remain in the crafts and building trades even though they are intelligent, and you need the overall size of an architectural project to remain relatively small.” While enclaves of craftsmen and small companies cultivating specialty talents, like customized steel work or casting plaster, are growing in the United States, large corporate construction companies still rule the sites, with their supersize-me approach to building.

Some of these claims, of course, beg the “why” question. The article also notes that design approval now requires more sign-offs than ever before, which tends to encourage a least common denominator approach to moving forward.

The Bush vision for term two

The Bush team apparently has announced its economic priorities for a second term. The general vision speaks of an “ownership society,” here is one sketchy summary. Partial social security privatization stands at the center of the plan. Brad DeLong wonders where the money will come from. Rather than pursuing this issue, I have wondered what the vision should look like. Here are a few ideas:

1. Eliminate all farm subsidies, tariffs, quotas and price supports.

2. Tell Western Europe it is paying for its own defense from now on.

3. Admit that the Medicare drug prescription bill was a mistake. Repeal it, and consider a revenue-neutral benefit that does not discriminate against prescription drugs. Introduce means-testing for Medicare to stop that program from bankrupting us. I would rather cut this benefit than repeal the tax cuts [tax shifts, correctly, though spending discipline could turn them into real tax cuts.] The long-run benefits of greater capital accumulation remain significant.

4. Negotiate bilateral free trade agreements as rapidly as possible. Start with Japan, the second largest economy in the world.

5. Strengthen America’s commitment to science. This will have implications for educational policy, immigration policy, and regulatory policy. Don’t restrict stem cell research. Hope that science comes up with affordable and politically sustainable solutions for global warming and clean energy independence. You might have libertarian objections to science subsidies, but the realistic alternative today is more government intervention.

6. Strengthen early warning systems against infectious diseases. Increase research into cures, vaccines, immunity, and the like. We don’t want the world to lose fifty million people to avian flu or some other malady.

7. Take in more immigrants, but demand higher levels of skills and education. At the very least, take in any revenue-positive immigrant.

8. Abolish the Department of Education.

9. Abolish the Department of Energy.

10. Repeal all corporate welfare.

11. Repeal the corporate income tax. Repeal the Alternative Minimum Tax. Admittedly these are “ifs,” depending on fiscal considerations.

12. Get on TV and tell the nation that a free economy is a critical source of our strength. Tell them you mean it, and then mean it. Economic growth is the greatest long-run gift we can give to the world.

What I liked about Bush, way back when, was that he seemed willing to talk tough truths and then follow through. Where has that gone?