Month: May 2006

Myths about France

1. The French are extreme cultural protectionists.  Not true.  The French do spend large amounts of money pretending they are cultural protectionists and making noise in various international arenas.  And the language restrictions are binding on audiovisual media.  But for the most part France is quite open to foreign cultures.  Just trying seeing a foreign film in Paris, you’ll hardly find a better place. 

2. French labor productivity is about as high as that of the United States.  Call this one a half-truth.  The measured average productivity is close, in part because French labor law discourages low-wage, low-productivity jobs.  A better test is if a French-English bilingual person moves from one country to the other, where is productivity higher?  I’ll put my money on the United States. 

3. Within fifty years, France will be half Islamic.  Very unlikely, read this sober assessment of the demographics.

4. Frenchmen hate the United States.  Personally I’ve never found this to be true.  I’ve spent maybe three months of my life in this country, and I can’t recall one time that anyone was ever rude to me.  Can I say that about any other country?  Remember that many peoples distinguish between citizenries and governments more than Americans do.  In this regard the French are more libertarian then we Americans are.  Here is one look at the poll evidence on whether the French hate Americans.

5. French culture dried up after World War II.  OK, French painting has not been impressive, though I am fond of Yves Klein.  But try Georges Perec, Robert Bresson, or Olivier Messiaen, or Yves Nat for some brighter moments.  Let’s not forget the key role of Paris in supporting music from Africa and the Arabic world.  (America isn’t the only country which should get credit for the culture of its immigrants.)  Nor is French rap a total wasteland.

The bottom line: France, like the United States, is very good at confounding our expectations.

Market day in Provence

No matter how unoriginal stallholders’ products may be, they have to seem to be for local folk.  It is crucial that the winemaker from Caromb buy his Pataugas [basic country walking shoes] on the market, the Sanit-Didier road mender his balaclava, and that everyone see them do so, even if not many do the same.  That way everyone can feel they have participated in that Friday morning’s local-life event.  Moreover, "foreigners" like the idea of buying market products precisely because they are perceived to be used by natives.

That is from Michele de la Pradelle’s Market Day in Provence.  This book is not easy to summarize, but it is one of the three or four best economic ethnographies I have read.  You will find more information, including an excerpt, here.

Jobs in everything — Smithian theme of the day

We profiled chemist Jesse Keifer, who works as a gumologist at Cadbury
Schweppes, a multi-billion dollar corporation and one of the world’s
largest confectioners. And while you can find lots of Trident at any
local store, you’d be hard-pressed to find another gumologist. In fact
a Google search returned a handful of links, most leading to Jesse.

Others, like James Niehues, find unusual ways to make a living with
their artistic talent by illustrating ski resorts. Still, others make a
living preserving the fountain pen, a writing tool that dates back many
centuries. And another who takes pride in restoring the nostalgic
kiddie ride.

Here is more information.  Click on the "Photo Gallery" for the material.  My favorite is the Movie Prop Replicator.  What was that old saying about the division of labor?

Getting Lucky on My Way to the Top

The market for economists was in a slump when I graduated.  I was fortunate to earn a visitor’s position at the University of Virginia and then a tenure-track position at Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana, but I had few alternative offers.  My colleagues in Muncie were good but after a few years I was unhappy enough with the university and the town to take a flying leap to become director of research at the Independent Institute in Oakland, CA.  At the time, I thought this was the end of my academic career.

David Theroux at the Independent Institute encouraged my academic work, however, seeing it as consistent with the Institute’s focus on research, and I kept publishing.  Events (and especially Tyler!) then conspired to bring me to GMU for which I am very grateful.

All this is by way of introducing Austan Goolsbee’s latest column in the NYTimes.  Goolsbee discusses two new papers which demonstrate that economic conditions in the year in which you graduate can have a surprisingly long-lasting effect on career earnings. 

The Stanford class of 1988, for example, entered the job market just
after the market crash of 1987. Banks were not hiring, and so average
wages for that class were lower than for the class of 1987 or for later
classes that came out after the market recovered. Even a decade or more
later, the class of 1988 was still earning significantly less. They
missed the plum jobs right out of the gate and never recovered….

These data confirm that people essentially cannot close the wage gap by
working their way up the company hierarchy. While they may work their
way up, the people who started above them do, too. They don’t catch up.
The recession graduates who actually do catch up tend to be the ones
who forget about rising up the ladder and, instead, jump ship to other
employers.

I take three points from my career and this research.  Leaving the academy turned out to be the just the thing to set me apart from the pack.  It didn’t have to work out that way but when your mean is low you need to throw some variance into the mix.  Finance theorists will recognize this lesson from options pricing theory. 

Second, I moved across the continent twice – from Fairfax, to Charlottesville, to Muncie, to Oakland and then back to Fairfax – sometimes with my wife and sometimes not – all in the space of about 10 years.  After moving so often, when I browsed book stores my decision to buy was based more on the weight of the book than on the price.  Jumping ship repeatedly, however, did help me to recover from a difficult beginning.

Third, luck matters.

Addendum: Now Open to Comments.

Suite Francaise

The entire village was waiting for the Germans.  Faced with the idea of seeing their conquerors for the first time, some people felt desperate shame, others anguish, but many felt only apprehensive curiosity, as when some astonishing new theatrical event is announced.  The civil servants, police, postmen had all been ordered to leave the day before.  The mayor was staying.  He was a placid old farmer with gout; nothing flustered him.  With or without a leader, things in the village went on much the same…everyone agreed that the army had failed and there was nothing more to be done; they had no choice but to give up.  The room was filled with chatter.  It was stiflingly hot.

That is from Suite Francaise, by Irene Nemirovsky.  This remarkable work is one of the important French-language novels of the twentieth century; it deserves all the raves.  Yet it was just discovered and published; sadly the author died at Auschwitz in 1942.  Here is the story of the book.  I know of no better treatment — fiction or non-fiction — of living under a conquering army.  Highly recommended.

Eight simple (too simple) reasons why I don’t like CAPM

The Capital Asset Pricing Model specifies that the expected return on an asset is a function of the market rate of return plus another factor ("Beta") for the covariance of that asset with the market portfolio.  The intuition is that pro-cyclical assets are riskier and thus they must give you higher expected return.  But I don’t buy the whole Beta bit, especially not for equity markets:

1. For the marginal investor today, the marginal utility of money doesn’t vary much across world-states.  Let’s say you expect to earn a few million dollars over your lifetime and you have access to capital markets.  How much do you care about the covariance of a single stock?

2. Tossing in any second variable will improve predictive performance of the model.  To me the broader multi-factor models just look like data mining.

3. I can see that Beta might lower the expected return to holding gold, a traditional safe harbor in tough times.  I just don’t believe Beta matters for most equity assets.  Yes construction is pro-cyclical but does this affect real world thinking about which stocks to buy?  I think views on cyclicality are dwarfed by idiosyncratic expectational factors about particular facts of the world.

4. Unlike say, profit maximization, CAPM-reasoning will not evolve in the marketplace unless people are at some level aware of the fundamental principals of the theory and take care to minimize systematic risk.  If you are ignorant of CAPM you might have lower utility but you needn’t earn less money over time.  You don’t drop out of the marketplace as a broken down beggar.

5. People compartmentalize their fears.  Insofar as you worry about systematic risk it will affect your human capital decisions and real estate decisions, not your equity investments.

6. Risk affects your equity investments by getting you to diversify.  The story ends there.  Greater fear might mean you buy more individual stocks, but you don’t look into their Betas to prefer one stock over another.

7. Did I mention that ex post Beta is not always accurate as a predictor of future Beta?

8. Fama and French have shown that the line connecting Beta and expected returns has an almost flat slope, at least if we adjust for the size of a firm relative to its book value. 

For risky equity assets in the United States, my preferred economic model is simple.  Expected return equals seven.  That is my model, "Seven."

Plus of course an random or error term.  How’s that for Occam’s Razor?

The Ethics of Economists

I have an article in TCS today on why economists tend to be more in favor of immigration than the typical person.  Surprisingly, the ethics of economists may be part of the answer!  Here’s an excerpt:

Economists…tend not to distinguish between us
and them. We look instead for policies that at least in principle make
everyone better off. Policies that make us better off at the price of
making them even worse off are for politicians, not economists.

Immigration makes immigrants much better off. In the normal debate
this fact is not considered to be of great importance — who cares
about them? But economists tend not to count some people as worth more
than others, especially not if the difference is something so random as
where a person was born.

Economists do sometimes distinguish between the rich and the poor,
but high school dropouts in the United States are rich compared to
low-skilled immigrants from Mexico. It’s a peculiar kind of ethics that
says we should greatly penalize very poor immigrants in order to
marginally benefit relatively rich Americans (peculiar at least if one
is not stuck in the Robbers Cave).

Why I cannot fall fully for Jane Jacobs

I love the main ideas of Jane Jacobs.  Her passing was truly sad for me.  I read her as a teenager.  It shook my world.

Nonetheless I think she is a tiny-teeny bit overrated.  She never coped with the problems of scale.  Nor did she explain how infrastructure should be built.

It is fine to juxtapose the old Greenwich Village against the gargantuan planning of the corrupt Robert Moses.  Few other social scientists of her time grasped the idea of  spontaneous order.  But what to do if a city grows from one million to ten million people, as has happened many times in the Third World?

To be sure, favelas and shanties work far better than their reputations.  Drug gangs aside, they embody many of the best qualities of Jacob’s analysis, or for that matter Hayek’s.  But surely it is a problem when there is no piped water or reliable electricity.  How can you get those services into new areas without some serious planning?  You can call for private sector involvement but it is planning nonetheless and it probably will involve some use of eminent domain.  Or how about new roads?

Perhaps I am unfair to Jacobs, but I read her as thinking we can confront the problems of cities without answering those questions.

It is perhaps unfair to note that Jacobs’s "straight economics" often made little sense, but surely this is relevant to how she understood the major problems of cities.  She doubted the necessity of the nation-state and was suspicious of internal economies of scale under a common legal order.  She promoted "import substitution," which is now a discredited idea among both left-wing and right-wing economists.

Here is a list of Moses’s projects for New York City.  Could the Big Apple have prospered and grown without them?

When to put on a gas tax

MR readers will know that I favor a gas tax, at least if it is made part of a broader fiscal bargain, including spending cuts, favorable treatment for savings, and redoing the AMT, among other reforms.  But note: I don’t want to replicate our current fiscal problems at higher levels of government spending.  Then we would be left with no wiggle room, if and when the likely demographic crunch comes.  If we are not careful, that is what a gas tax could lead to, so take my endorsement of the idea with that qualifier.

The best time to put on a gas tax is right after a big market-induced spike in prices.  That means now, or more realistically after the November elections.

Yes I know about tax smoothing, but that is not the central consideration.  The key question is how to get broader fiscal reform, while taxing some negative-externality activities.

When it comes to high gas prices, people can only get so upset at once.  Plus they will never quite understand who is to blame for what.  Why are prices high?  Was it the government?  The evil oil cartel?  al Qaeda?  The Chinese?  Such signal extraction problems are beyond most voters. 

Waiting for gas prices to fall is the least likely way to get from where we are to where we ought to be.  I await, but do not expect, The Grand Fiscal Bargain.

Futures markets in everything, NOT

A Wall Street lawyer gave new meaning to the term
"futures market" when he tried to auction his future Social Security
checks – money did doesn’t now have – on eBay for $200,000 so he could
use the cash for a down payment on a Manhattan apartment.

"I’ve put a lot of money into the Social Security system, so why can’t I sell it to someone else?" mused Thaddeus Wojcik.

File that under "Department of HA!."  Ebay yanked the auction.  Here is the full story, and thanks to Chris D. for the pointer.