Category: Economics

What can Italy do with its wealth?

Italian private debt is quite low and yesterday I mentioned that Italian homeowners don’t have much in the way of mortgages.  David Henderson then asked a good question:

“Were more Italians to take out mortgages on their houses to buy government bonds, for example, Italy could eliminate its interest-payment problem.” How is that good news? The government would still have to pay interest on this debt.

The Italian government has high debt and productivity is not going up any time soon.  We can expect a mixture of lower government spending and higher taxes, otherwise the country defaults, maybe the country defaults anyway.  Ideally “they” would like to send equity in Italian homes to bondholders in lieu of making the interest payments.  Italy doesn’t do a good job collecting taxes and the economy already has lots of distortions, so pulling wealth out of homes would in principle be a way to go.  A CDO tranche instead of an interest coupon, so to speak.  One can imagine the Italians borrowing more against their homes and sending the money to their government as a tax, or accepting lower transfer payments from the government, and that would implicitly serve as a way of paying off the bonds with fractions of homes.  Of course that probably won’t happen.

Italy is house rich, somewhat cash poor, and has a miserable recent history of growth.  If you look at the wealth side of the balance sheet, you can easily work up a heady optimism for Italy.  If you study public choice theory, it is harder to do so.  How many people in that country are either paid to do the wrong thing, or paid to do not so much at all?  TGS reigns.

Italy’s privileges and distortions are so often so local, and so concentrated in inefficient professional services, that it is hard to imagine clearing them up quickly in the form of a big bang, in the way that say New Zealand or Chile or Thatcher’s England did.  And even those successes took some time to pay off and underperformed for years.

Note that if Italy could credibly be expected to grow a mere 2 pct. a year — maybe less — the entire eurozone crisis probably would be messy but manageable.  It’s not.

File under: non siamo cosi’ ricchi come pensavamo di esserlo!

Buy a House, Get a Visitor Visa?

I have been promoting a “buy a house, get a visa” program for several years, so I was initially pleased to see a new bill on this theme from Sens. Charles Schumer (D., N.Y.) and Mike Lee (R., Utah).

…the proposed measure would offer visas to any foreigner making a cash investment of at least $500,000 on residential real-estate—a single-family house, condo or townhouse. Applicants can spend the entire amount on one house or spend as little as $250,000 on a residence and invest the rest in other residential real estate, which can be rented out.

On closer inspection, however, the bill is very weak. Most importantly, the visa would simply allow the buyer to live in his or her house but would not allow them to work in the United States. Pathetic.

I also liked Matt Yglesias‘s spin on this:

The larger issue, however, is that the Schumer/Lee proposal would deny the new immigrants the right to work in the United States. As with other restrictions on high-skill immigration, this is essentially a form of class warfare against less educated Americans. We should be clamoring to increase the supply of foreign-born doctors, lawyers, engineers, and other highly educated occupations as a way of increasing the real wages of America’s factory workers, janitors, waitresses, carpenters, and retail clerks.

Addendum: Canadians are not impressed with the offer.

Should we “get tough” with the banks? (department of secondary consequences)

The EU seems to have that in mind but here is the problem with that idea:

Distressed European Union banks that tap national governments or the region’s €440bn rescue fund for capital will be subject to state-aid penalties, involving compulsory restructuring or – in the worst case – orderly wind-downs…

The proviso – consistent with EU state-aid rules applied throughout the crisis – is likely to discourage banks from seeking public assistance and spur them to shrink their balance sheets instead, raising the danger of a credit crunch, bankers say.

Terrence Hendershott writes to me

Below are thoughts from an author of a paper Tyler cited on algorithmic trading (and HFT). There is a project by the UK government on related topics. Some related working papers on HFT are here, here, here, here, and here.

1. Technology has made financial markets work better; improvements in liquidity are large, important, and should result in lower costs of capital for firms; these do not mean that every application of technology is good.

2. There is evidence that investors prefer continuous to periodic trading, but batch auctions as frequent as every few seconds have not been studied.

3. Until technology allows buyers and sellers to better find each other simultaneously, markets need a group of intermediaries; the lowest-cost intermediaries are those closest to the market.

4. Historically, intermediaries were floor traders, now are HFT; floor traders profit from those further from the trading mechanism as do HFT now.

5. What is the best industrial organization for the intermediation sector? i) free entry (HFT) or ii) regulated oligopoly (NYSE specialists, Nasdaq market makers, etc.)?

6. Floor trading had the advantage that within-market relative latency was not so important and the amount of market data produced was small; costs were floor traders’ large advantages and possible collusion.

7. There is yet to be robust empirical evidence linking HFT to declines in market quality or efficiency; Haldane has interesting ideas, but as comments point out, it is difficult to blame HFT more than the economic and euro crises for recent fat tails in asset returns; systemic uncertainty increases fat tails and cross-asset correlations.

Overall, technology applied to intermediation appears to bring benefits with the standard rent seeking costs of intermediaries making money, possible instability (although 1987 showed human markets have their own failings), and technology costs.

Can markets find solutions?

i) If HFT becomes competitive (zero rents), will HFT then resell their technology as brokers? Could this lead to efficiency without negative externalities?

ii) Do dark pools and batch auctions limit part of the “arms race” of technology investment? Significant volumes are already traded in these ways, e.g., the opening and closing auctions. There are many ways investors can avoid HFT.  If they do not, is it revealed preference?

If regulations are needed they should target behavior, not certain trading firms, otherwise HFT features will simply be incorporated into other strategies, e.g., a HFT strategy is merged with a mid-frequency strategy.

Piero Garegnani passes away at age 81

He combined neo-Ricardian and Marxist ideas with Keynesian aggregate demand and he thought marginalist neoclassical economics was incoherent, for reasons related to the Cambridge capital debates.  Robert Vienneau offers one summary of his work.  Matías Vernengo writes:

As early as 1961, while spending an academic year at MIT, he suggested during a presentation by Paul Samuelson that his results depended on the assumption that all sectors use the same capital-labor ratio. The final results of his critique were presented in Garegnani’s paper “Heterogeneous Capital, the Production Function and the Theory of Distribution.” His paper shows conclusively that the marginalist theory of value and distribution based on an aggregate production function is untenable. This of course builds on Sraffa’s work in the Production of Commodities (PC). By 1966, in the famous Quarterly Journal of Economics (QJE) Symposium, Samuelson had admitted that the neoclassical parable was not defensible.

Here are some of his articles on scholar.google.com.  He always struck me as a very intelligent writer and capable of a good bracing critique, even though I don’t think his proposed alternatives have gone anywhere.  Every profession needs smart and articulate dissenters and I am glad that we have had Garegnani.

For the pointer I thank Juan Carlos Esguerra.

The Rent Seeking is Too Damn High

Bloomberg: Federal employees whose compensation averages more than $126,000 and the nation’s greatest concentration of lawyers helped Washington edge out San Jose as the wealthiest U.S. metropolitan area, government data show.

The U.S. capital has swapped top spots with Silicon Valley, according to recent Census Bureau figures, with the typical household in the Washington metro area earning $84,523 last year. The national median income for 2010 was $50,046.

Does desire for a weaker currency keep Germany committed to a full eurozone?

I hear this argument a lot, but I don’t quite understand it.

Let’s start with a contrast, namely that Ecuador, El Salvador and Panama all use the U.S. dollar.  It is unlikely that lowers the value of the dollar and since it boosts the demand for currency it may even strengthen the dollar a bit, though of course there is a Fed offset on the currency supply side.  The U.S. may have a partial geopolitical commitment to these countries, but it has to do with location, the Monroe Doctrine, and the drug war, not  with their currency choice per se.

So why does it lower the value of the euro to have Greece use the currency?  The simplest reason is that Greek participation, and involvement of the other periphery countries, creates a real chance that the eurozone will blow up, partially or fully.  (El Salvador does not pose a comparable threat to the dollar.)  Fair enough.  But then it cannot be argued that the lower currency value means Germany can/will stop such a blow up.  In equilibrium those are inconsistent conjectures.  For the blow up option to lower the value of the euro, the blow up option must be real and if that is not a real risk now when is it supposed to be a real risk?

Another option is to claim that the the participation of the periphery countries in the eurozone raises the expected rate of price inflation in the eurozone.  First, it’s not clear this is true and it has not been true so far.  Second, it is not obvious why the euro should become weaker before that higher inflation arrives.  Third, if German export prices are equally flexible it doesn’t give us a weaker real exchange rate for Germany, which was the original supposed benefit.  Fourth, if German export prices are not flexible we have an overshooting model, which a) implies the low real exchange rate for Germany goes away over time, and b) implies that far more real exchange rate volatility is predictable than is actually the case.

A related question is whether solving the eurozone crisis, for ever and ever, with a neat nifty eurobond (or whatever ha-ha) also would remove Germany’s supposed real exchange rate advantage.

My analysis has not exhausted the options but perhaps you see the problem.  I have not yet heard a coherent version of the argument.  The simplest answer, and the answer most likely to be correct, is that the euro is lower in value, to the benefit of German exporters, but only because there is very real chance of a crack-up, and this is a reason why a crack-up might happen, not a reason why a crack-up will not happen.

Ultimately, the conjectures have to add up.

Ilya Somin on Israeli signaling (markets in everything)

Ilya writes:

Various commenters on this and my previous post on the same subject claim that the Israeli government had to do this in order to send its citizens a “message” about how much it valued their lives and was willing to pay a high price to save them. But if these deals lead to the deaths of far more innocent Israelis than they save, the real message sent will be exactly the opposite: that the government is willing to make a large net sacrifice of innocent life in order to gain short term public relations benefits or a short-term boost in national morale. It’s possible, of course, that Israeli public opinion is myopic enough that they will think that the government is saving life despite the fact that it is actually sacrificing a much larger enough of innocent lives. If so, there could be a more permanent and substantial boost in national morale. Even then, it will probably fade as public attention shifts to other issues. In any event, it’s not worth the sacrifice of numerous innocents and the creation of perverse incentives for terrorist groups.

Link here.  I don’t know whether this exchange is a good idea, but Ilya is possibly underrating the power of signaling models.  It is precisely the fact that that Israeli government will trade for this single life, even apart from whether it is instrumentally rational, that sends the relevant signal.  The less “rational” the act, the more potent the signal of concern, and in this case the possible irrationality is stochastic, not certain.  Perhaps one must take a stand for the single, identifiable life in question; Hollywood rescue movies accept this meme and they face market tests all the time.  Doesn’t the starship captain go back down to save the one life, even though it may place the entire ship in jeopardy?  “That’s what makes us human, Bones,” while Spock raises the eyebrow, etc.

One can also read the Israeli government as signaling (correctly or not) that it has the power to prevent or at least limit future kidnappings.  It is an expression of strength, or at least a belief in strength, and citizens seem to like that signal from their leaders.  It also may allow governments to perform other (efficient) acts which involve offsetting signals of weakness.

That said, Ilya’s comments indirectly raise an issue in signaling theory: where does salience come from?  Why is “one person” the relevant unit of concern for the Israeli citizenry here?  There are plenty of simple answers, but most of them beg the question and of course one person is often considered quite disposable in other contexts, especially military.  It also would not suffice to get just a month of freedom for him.  Yet neither is the deal insisting that more than this one soldier be delivered.

If you haven’t already, I recommend that you all read David Grossman’s splendid To The End of the Land.

More on High Frequency Trading and Liquidity

Tyler is more optimistic about financial innovation than I am. Strange, but true. I recommend Andrew Haldane’s speech, The Race to Zero, on high frequency trading (HFT). Haldane is Executive Director for Financial Stability at the Bank of England and his speech is eminently quotable. First, some background from Haldane:

  • As recently as 2005, HFT accounted for less than a fifth of US equity market turnover by volume. Today, it accounts for between two-thirds and three-quarters.
  • HFT algorithms have to be highly adaptive, not least to keep pace with the evolution of new algorithms. The half-life of an HFT algorithm can often be measured in weeks.
  • As recently as a few years ago, trade execution times reached “blink speed” – as fast as the blink of an eye….As of today, the lower limit for trade execution appears to be around 10 micro-seconds. This means it would in principle be possible to execute around 40,000 back-to-back trades in the blink of an eye. If supermarkets ran HFT programmes, the average household could complete its shopping for a lifetime in under a second.
  • HFT has had three key effects on markets. First, it has meant ever-larger volumes of trading have been compressed into ever-smaller chunks of time. Second, it has meant strategic behaviour among traders is occurring at ever-higher frequencies. Third, it is not just that the speed of strategic interaction has changed but also its nature. Yesterday, interaction was human-to-human. Today, it is machine-to-machine, algorithm-to-algorithm. For algorithms with the lifespan of a ladybird, this makes for rapid evolutionary adaptation.

Consistent with the research cited by Tyler, Haldane notes that bid-ask spreads have fallen dramatically.

Bid-ask spreads have fallen by an order of magnitude since 2004, from around 0.023 to 0.002 percentage points. On this metric, market liquidity and efficiency appear to have improved. HFT has greased the wheels of modern finance.

But at the same time that bid-ask spread have decreased on average, volatility has sharply increased, as illustrated most clearly with the flash crash

Taken together, this evidence suggests something important. Far from solving the liquidity problem in situations of stress, HFT firms appear to have added to it. And far from mitigating market stress, HFT appears to have amplified it. HFT liquidity, evident in sharply lower peacetime bid-ask spreads, may be illusory. In wartime, it disappears.

In particular, what has happened is that stock prices have become less normal (Gaussian), more fat-tailed, over shorter periods of time.

Cramming ever-larger volumes of strategic, adaptive trading into ever-smaller time intervals would, following Mandelbrot, tend to increase abnormalities in prices when measured in clock time. It will make for fatter, more persistent tails at ever-higher frequencies. That is what we appear, increasingly, to find in financial market prices in practice, whether in volatility and correlation or in fat tails and persistence.

HFT strategies work across markets (e.g. derivatives), exchanges, and stocks and can have negative externality effects on low frequency traders. As a result, micro fat-tails can become macro fat-tails.

Taken together, these contagion channels suggest that fat-tailed persistence in individual stocks could quickly be magnified to wider classes of asset, exchange and market. The micro would transmute to the macro. This is very much in the spirit of Mandelbrot’s fractal story. Structures exhibiting self-similarity magnify micro behaviour to the macro level. Micro-level abnormalities manifest as system-wide instabilities.

For these reasons I am not enthusiastic about innovations in HFT. Earlier I compared high-tech swimming suits and high-frequency trading:

High-tech swimming suits and trading systems are primarily about distribution not efficiency.  A small increase in speed over one’s rivals has a large effect on who wins the race but no effect on whether the race is won and only a small effect on how quickly the race is won.  We get too much investment in innovations with big influences on distribution and small, or even negative, improvements in efficiency and not enough investment in innovations that improve efficiency without much influencing distribution, i.e. innovations in goods with big positive externalities.

Does algorithmic trading improve liquidity?

From Terrence Hendershott, Charles M. Jones, and Albert J. Menkveld, I am a little slow reporting on this paper:

Algorithmic trading (AT) has increased sharply over the past decade. Does it improve market quality, and should it be encouraged? We provide the first analysis of this question. The New York Stock Exchange automated quote dissemination in 2003, and we use this change in market structure that increases AT as an exogenous instrument to measure the causal effect of AT on liquidity. For large stocks in particular, AT narrows spreads, reduces adverse selection, and reduces trade-related price discovery. The findings indicate that AT improves liquidity and enhances the informativeness of quotes.

Here is also the Kirilenko paper, both are discussed here.  I have not had time to read and assess these, but since I’ve covered the topic before, this brings you more up to date.

The decline in gross job gains

This is from 2009, but I haven’t seen it receive a useful discussion:

These facts demonstrate that a relatively small number of establishments (41,000 to 50,000) changing their employment levels by 20 or more jobs has been sufficient to create or lose approximately as many jobs as the more than 1.5 million establishments that changed their employment levels by just a few jobs.

See charts three and four for a vivid illustration of the effect, or here is another presentation of the idea, reflecting the diminishing rate of creative destruction in the American economy:

The levels of gross job gains and gross job losses prior to the 2001 recession are noticeably higher than the levels following the 2001 recession.

For the pointer I thank David Berger.

CLASS Dismissed

WP: The Obama administration cut a major planned benefit from the 2010 health-care law on Friday, announcing that a program to offer Americans insurance for long-term care was simply unworkable.

Last week, I wrote about the CLASS act. As you may recall, this long-term health insurance program was scored as a big 10-year deficit reducer because it combined early taxes with late expenditures. It was obvious that the late expenditures would quick overwhelm the early taxes but the CLASS act added some $80 billion to projected health-care savings which helped to pass the bill. Now the bill is passed, however, reality is setting in and the program has been scrapped. House Republicans are upset:

“Make no mistake,” Chairman Fred Upton (R-Mich.) said in announcing the hearing, “the CLASS program was tucked into the health care law to provide $86 billion in false savings, and this budget gimmick is a prime example of why Americans are losing faith in Washington. We plan to hold this hearing to get answers about why this sham was carried on for as long as it was, and what cancellation of the program means for the law’s growing price tag.”

The George Soros plan to save the eurozone

Let’s have the banks and the governments shore up each other:

I am afraid that the leaders are contemplating some inappropriate steps. They are talking about recapitalising the banking system, rather than guaranteeing it.

A fair enough point, but where will the money come from to do that?

In exchange for a guarantee, the major banks would have to agree to abide by the instructions of the ECB. This is a radical step but necessary under the circumstances. Acting at the behest of the member states, the central bank has sufficient powers of persuasion. It could close its discount window to, and the governments could seize, the banks that refuse to co-operate.

The ECB would then instruct the banks to maintain their credit lines and loan portfolios while strictly monitoring the risks they take for their own account. This would remove one of the main driving forces of the current market turmoil.

The other driving force – the lack of financing for sovereign debt – could be dealt with by the ECB lowering its discount rate and encouraging countries in difficulties to issue treasury bills and prompting the banks to subscribe.

Um…if it all is a liquidity crisis, this might work, public choice problems aside.  Otherwise it is calling for possibly insolvent banks to prop up not only the real economy but the governments too, which in turn will guarantee the banks, which by the way now have to keep on making bad loans.

The Negative Externality of Voting

Here is Jason Brennan:

How other people vote is my business. After all, they make it my business. Electoral decisions are imposed upon all through force, that is, through violence and threats of violence. When it comes to politics, we are not free to walk away from bad decisions. Voters impose externalities upon others.

We would never say to everyone, “Who cares if you know anything about surgery or medicine? The important thing is that you make your cut.” Yet for some reason, we do say, “It doesn’t matter if you know much about politics. The important thing is to vote.” In both cases, incompetent decision-making can hurt innocent people.

Commonsense morality tells us to treat the two cases differently. Commonsense morality is wrong.

…In The Ethics of Voting, I argue that…voters should vote on the basis of sound evidence. They must put in heavy work to make sure their reasons for voting as they do are morally and epistemically justified. In general, they must vote for the common good rather than for narrow self-interest. Citizens who are unwilling or unable to put in the hard work of becoming good voters should not vote at all. They should stay home on election day rather than pollute the polls with their bad votes.