Category: Economics
*More than Good Intentions*
Dean Karlan is one of my favorite young economists and in April he will publish a popular economics book, co-authored with Jacob Appel. The subtitle is How a New Economics is Helping to Solve Global Poverty.
Consider the book an accessible account of "the new development economics," based on field experiments and randomized control trials. Much of the text focuses on micro-credit, where Karlan has done considerable work, but there is also material on public health, cell phones, and how to get parents to send their kids to school (pay them!).
Anyone interested in a readable treatment of the new development economics should pick up this book.
Sentences to ponder
A report from Harvard's Kennedy Center last year found that the world could cut global CO2 emissions by about 6 percent simply by scrapping price supports for fossil energy.
Hat tips go to Sullivan and Plumer.
Larry Kotlikoff responds on limited purpose banking
You can read his reply here. Note however that my criticisms explicitly are directed at narrow banking more generally, most of all my own (previous) version of the idea, not at the specific version of Kotlikoff's proposal. There is one particular topic I did not deal with, and on it I will quote Kotlikoff reproducing my critique and responding to it:
TC: A lot of what current banks do would be replicated by non-bank commercial lenders and the risk of the banking sector would be transferred somewhere else.
LK: You missed the key point that all incorporated financial intermediaries have to operate as mutual fund companies. There are no “non-bank commercial lenders” unless they operate as proprietorships and partnerships and their owners have their houses and yachts on the line. The risk of the banking sector is reduced because we set it up to eliminate any chance of bank runs and gambling by the banks with the taxpayers’ chips. Recall, the mutual funds are 100 percent equity financed at all times and in all situations.
TC: Ideally, these non-bank lenders would engage in greater “maturity-matching,” but if banks will exploit the moral hazard problem won’t these lenders exploit it too?
LK: The only financial intermediaries who can operate under Limited Purpose Banking according to the current rules of the road are private banks with no limited liability. The lack of limited liability will eliminate the moral hazard problem.
I am not inclined to see unlimited liability as a practical alternative. How many businesses supply commercial credit? Trade credit? Credit by any other name? — namely contracts involving derivatives, annuities, insurance, repurchase agreements, etc., with intertemporal payments and embedded interest rates in the prices. Would they all have to give up limited liability? Or would we end up channeling more financial intermediation through indirect credit transactions, while maintaining limited liability? A version of this dilemma is experienced regularly by systems of equity-based Islamic banking..
Second, unlimited liability creates a pecuniary externality across shareholders. Who wants to be the remaining "fat cat" shareholder? Why should Bill Gates ever invest? Non-mutual fund banks will end up owned by thinly capitalized individuals or entities, thereby defeating the purpose of unlimited liability while at the same time raising transactions costs. Walter Bagehot made this point, see also Joseph Grundfest, here is Hansmann and Kraakman with a reply. Alex very ably surveys the main arguments in an MR post.
Unlimited liability is fine for small-scale, private banking, especially in the international sector where tax evasion is a motive and the banks aren't fully part of any standard regulatory network. It doesn't work to force it on such a large sector of the economy as most commercial credit and non-bank lending.
In sum, I do not believe that narrow banking proposals benefit from being bundled with unlimited liability for other lenders.
Downward Revision in 2nd Quarter GDP?
Secretary of the Treasury Geithner in the NYTimes on August 2:
While the economy has a long way to go before reaching its full potential, last week’s data on economic growth show that large parts of the private sector continue to strengthen.
Catherine Rampell at the NYTimes blog Economix on August 3:
On Friday, in its preliminary estimate of gross domestic product, the Bureau of Economic Analysis said it believed the economy grew at an annual rate of 2.4 percent last quarter.
…G.D.P. numbers go through several revisions as the bureau receives more complete data, and it now looks as if the revisions may be significant. According to the June factory order data, released today, the number the bureau used to calculated the inventory component of G.D.P. was way off.
As a result, economists are predicting that the second quarter G.D.P. number will be revised downward from 2.4 percent to somewhere around 1.7 percent.
Previous revisions to GDP show the recession began earlier and had a deeper trough than first thought. Moreover, on balance, the previous revisions also suggest that the recovery has been even weaker than first thought. If the argument above holds up, that trend will continue. The news is not good.
GDP is lower today than it was at its peak in 2007.
Why does anyone support private macroeconomic forecasts?
This question has come up a few times lately in the blogosphere. I've long found the market for such forecasts to be a puzzling practice. Sometimes the forecasts are purchased and other times they are given away, but either way money is being spent.
The first question is whether those forecasts are more accurate than naive "random walk" models. On average probably not, although you could argue that in a recession mean-reversion gives an edge to structural models. Still, the forecasts are paid for in both good times and bad. Note also that those who predicted our last crisis were, for the most part, giving that knowledge away for free.
Second, there are many such forecasts. Even if some forecasts are quite useful, what's the value of supporting a marginal or additional forecast? Is the next forecast to come along so much better? Forecasts would seem to be the classic example of a public good.
I would explore other models. Under one possibility, outsiders pay for the forecast to join a more exclusive club of clients with other privileges. It's a bit like how art galleries won't sell their best pictures to complete outsiders but instead ask that you "pay your dues" by being a loyal customer for years. In other words, it's an arbitrary fee to enforce price discrimination, backed by some plausible pretext.
Under a related model, the firm pays for the forecast as a means of generating publicity, signaling its size, seriousness, and audience, and in general marketing itself to outside clients. It is unclear who bears the final incidence of these expenditures, the firm or the clients, but still "forecasting isn't about knowledge," as Robin Hanson would have said to the oracle at Delphi.
Either way, I do not put much credence in what the forecasts say. They do usually represent "standard macroeconomic knowledge" and in that sense they are not a complete fraud. But the fact that they are being paid for does not, in my eyes, mean they are passing a market test in the traditional sense.
If anything, the persistence of the market in such forecasts should make you wonder about many of the other functions of these banks.
Insurance markets in everything?
http://www.ticketfree.ca/, or try this site.
Like insurance for the very tickets that jack up your actual insurance, TF’ll cover the cost of nearly any violation you incur while driving (for a reasonable annual fee), so you can finally go too fast without getting all too furious. Current plans consist of the Mini, which exclusively covers speeding offenses; the Classic, which adds everyday scofflaw activities like light running and illegal u-turns; and the Enthusiast, which picks up the tab on parking tickets, plus miscellany like window tinting and noise violations, a necessary prophylactic for anyone playing the whistle tip game. Whoo WHOO! To recoup expenses, members simply enter their ticket info within 10 days of the court date and TF handles the rest, supplying an email confirmation when their payment goes through; if you choose to contest, they'll pay the fine in the event you lose, but should you actually win they'll cut you a check for the original ticket amount anyways (if crime truly doesn't pay, then speed drifting through the median must not be illegal, Dad).
Thrillist says it is real; is it? For the pointer I thank Joseph Calucci.
Macroeconomics is complicated and bewildering, installment #386
Andrew Rose and Mark Spiegel report:
We update Rose and Spiegel (2009a, b) and search for simple quantitative models of macroeconomic and financial indicators of the "Great Recession" of 2008-09. We use a cross-country approach and examine a number of potential causes that have been found to be successful indicators of crisis intensity by other scholars. We check a number of different indicators of crisis intensity, and a variety of different country samples. While countries with higher income seemed to suffer worse crises, we find few clear reliable indicators in the pre-crisis data of the incidence of the Great Recession. Countries with current account surpluses seemed better insulated from slowdowns.
There are ungated versions here.
Don’t obsess over interest rates
After doing an extensive quantitative study, Glaeser, Gottlieb, and Gyourko report (ungated here):
Interest rates do influence house prices, but they cannot provide anything close to a complete explanation of the great housing market gyrations between 1996 and 2010. Over the long 1996-2006 boom, they cannot account for more than one-fifth of the rise in house prices. Their biggest predictive influence is during the 2000-2005 period, when long rates fell by almost 200 basis points. That can account for about 45 of the run-up in home values nationally during that half-decade span.
*Risk and Business Cycles* is now available in paperback
That is my 1998 book on business cycles. Mario Rizzo writes:
I am happy to report that Tyler Cowen’s book, Risk and Business Cycles: New and Old Austrian Perspectives is now available, as of July 15th, in a reasonably-priced paperback edition from Routledge…
This is not an orthodox Austrian approach. In fact, Cowen criticizes that version. However, the “new Austrian” inspired version he presents seems especially relevant in view of the widespread, but not uiversal, agreement that the pre-recession period of very low interest rates contributed to the search for yield and greater risk taking. As the title indicates, Cowen’s theory emphasizes the importance of low interest rates on risk-taking.
This book appears in the Routledge series, “The Foundations of the Market Economy” edited by Larry White and me. Tyler’s book is well worth reading as are many books in this series (now approaching thirty books).
Here is another blog post discussing the book. Here is the Amazon listing. At the time this book was published, it was unpopular to suggest that everyone simply might take too much risk at once, leading to an eventual overextension and collapse. Yet theories of that nature have held up relatively well, in light of the financial crisis.
My one-sentence summary of the book is that it offers various accounts of how an economy might end up in the position of taking too much risk and how that can help explain business cycles. And since these scenarios involve risk, rather than direct negative productivity shocks, they can look fairly innocuous in advance.
Negative Equity in Underwater Homes
Calculated Risk gathers the data on underwater homes:
- There are 14.75 million underwater homes and 4.1 million of these have more than 50% negative equity (the homeowners owe 50%+ more than their homes are worth).
- The total negative equity is $771 billion.
Health care and revenue competition in Britain
Elite NHS foundation trusts are gearing up to lure private patients from home and abroad as health budgets are squeezed – a decision made possible after health secretary Andrew Lansley said he would abolish the cap limiting the proportion of total income hospitals can earn from the paying sick…
With a £20bn black hole opening up in NHS budgets, a group of top performing trusts are seeking to profit from paying patients and use the money to fund public healthcare in Britain.
Previously,
Labour's cap had meant most hospitals were unable to generate more than 2% from private income.
Here is more, although full details are not yet clear, it seems doctors will be much more in charge, in a decentralized manner. Here's one opinion:
"What's to stop US healthcare companies coming over here to poach patients. Or GPs sending patients to India for cheap operations? Or English hospitals raiding Scotland for sick people?" said Alan Maynard, professor of health economics at the University of York. "It could be a real mess."
How long will it be before the entire NHS, as it was known, goes down as a collapsed model? What exactly caused the collapse? (I was surprised to read that Labour had tripled the budget since 1997.) Will "the line" be that evil ideologues are dismantling a working system? How will greater competition for patients alter our assessments of various national health care systems? Is empowering doctors going to cut costs? How much loyalty will patients, and voters, show to the old NHS model?
Robert Shiller on direct government employment
Big new programs to create jobs need not be expensive. Suppose the cost of hiring a single employee were as high as $30,000 a year, several times typical AmeriCorps living allowances. Hiring a million people would cost $30 billion a year. That’s only 4 percent of the entire federal stimulus program, and 0.2 percent of the national debt.
There is more here. Do any of you know of a policy paper on whether any labor market deregulation (e.g., Davis-Bacon?) would be required for this to happen? Davis-Bacon did precede some of the major Roosevelt jobs programs, so I've never understood how this fits together. How was it ruled that the relatively low-paying jobs of the WPA satisfied the Davis-Bacon requirement?
Earl Thompson has passed away at 71
Scott Sumner offers a tribute. Earl Thompson was one of the most genuinely creative economic minds of his generation. In my view he was often wrong, such as when he argued that markets would overproduce (excludable) public goods. Nonetheless his work always inspired fruitful thought, even if one did not accept his conclusions. Here is his famous paper on taxation and national defense. He used "national defense" arguments to try to explain the pattern of government subsidies and taxes. His paper on monetary theory will make your head spin. Here is his paper on the economics of charity.
Here is Earl offering advice to Obama and sounding like Scott Sumner. He attributed excessively tight monetary policy to banker (i.e., creditor) control of the Fed. Read this too; he disliked the Bernanke reappointment.
Here is my review of Earl's book; read the first six lines.
Here is his home page, with many more links to articles. Here is a UCLA obituary:
Earl Thompson was an eccentric in an age of conformity. He kept odd hours: he was alone in his office in Bunche Hall at 4:31 AM on January 17, 1994 when the Northridge earthquake hit, where he found himself unharmed but covered with fallen books. He loved muscle cars, dressed as if the 1950s were just yesterday, and always had a sneaky grin on his face. He will be missed by his colleagues, his students, his friends and his family.
Earl Thompson was an American original.
Negative complementarities in the labor market
The Miami Heat easily sold out its season tickets after LeBron James announced he was joining the team. That turned out to be bad news for the ticket-sales staff, which the Heat fired Friday.
“Now that the supply for [season tickets] has been exhausted we no longer require a season ticket sales team,'' the Heat said in a brief statement Friday afternoon.
A team spokeswoman, Lorrie-Ann Diaz, declined to comment or answer questions about the firings, which one staffer said cost roughly 30 people their jobs.
The full story is here and for the pointer I thank Michael R.
Why don’t issuers choose IPO auctions?
Most firms try to sell their initial public offerings at predetermined prices, rather than just holding an auction. After the shares are sold, there appear to be immediate excess returns, which suggests some money may have been left on the table. Why do things this way?
Ravi Jagannathan, Andrei Jirnyi, and Ann Sherman have a new and comprehensive study (NBER) of this long-standing question. Here is the abstract:
At least 25 countries have used IPO auctions, but most have since abandoned them. We argue that this is because auctions, being indirect mechanisms, require a level of sophistication above that of many investors. Through suitably calibrated examples, we show that even sophisticated investors can make mistakes while bidding in auctions, especially when facing uncertainty about the number and type of bidders, and such mistakes impose costs on other participants. We provide empirical support for our arguments. IPO auctions have been plagued by unexpectedly large fluctuations in the number of participants, return chasing investors, and high-bidding free riders. Our analysis suggests that a direct mechanism that resembles a transparent version of book building would be preferable to auctions.
Here is one summary of the piece. Here is a different, 2007 paper on the question. Here is another related paper, and here (by Jagannathan and Sherman, much older draft, minus Jirnyi). Here is a one-year-old ungated version of the main paper, I am not sure how much it differs. Do any of you know of an ungated version of the current draft?
Here is an earlier Alex post on the Google IPO, which was held as an auction.