Category: Political Science

A world without nuclear weapons?

Thomas Schelling — who remains a master of cool, insightful analysis, has a new essay on this question.  Such a world would not be a picnic.  Here is one good excerpt:

In summary, a "world without nuclear weapons" would be a world in which
the United States, Russia, Israel, China, and half a dozen or a dozen
other countries would have hair-trigger mobilization plans to rebuild
nuclear weapons and mobilize or commandeer delivery systems, and would
have prepared targets to preempt other nations' nuclear facilities, all
in a high-alert status, with practice drills and secure emergency
communications. Every crisis would be a nuclear crisis, any war could
become a nuclear war. The urge to preempt would dominate; whoever gets
the first few weapons will coerce or preempt. It would be a nervous
world.

Hat tip goes to www.bookforum.com.

Why hasn’t the Fed been targeting two or three percent inflation?

I've been thinking about this question more and I've come up with a speculative possibility.  Right now banks are earning their way back into profitability by playing the spread.  They're paying close to zero on deposits and earning fair sums on long-term loans.  Perhaps this term structure is sustainable because people are expecting little inflation in the short run but moderate inflation in the longer run, plus there is some risk on the loans.  (These inflationary expectations may be changing; if you wish pretend I am writing this six months or a year ago.)

So let's say we move from zero expected short-term inflation to three percent short-term expected inflation.  The nominal short rate rises to three percent and the real short rate remains more or less constant.  Long rates would go up a bit but not much, since beyond the short run there is already an expectation of moderate inflation.  In sum, the spread between short and long rates might narrow.

Here is the key point: from the bank's point of view, what is the correct measure of the real rate of interest?  Is it defined by the nominal rate relative to the expected growth in the CPI?  I doubt it.  When you're near the bankruptcy or nationalization constraint, it's often nominal profits that matter (relative to fixed nominal liabilities, accounting standards, capital standards, etc.), not "real profits" defined relative to the CPI.

In sum, maybe three percent expected inflation conflicts with the desire to rapidly recapitalize banks through maintaining a wide interest rate spread.  Maybe we need that zero nominal short rate or at least the Fed thinks we do.

I don't wish to push too hard on this hypothesis, it is speculative rather than confirmed by evidence.  And propositions about the term structure of interest rates do not always run the way you think they will or should.  I'm aware of other problems.  What kind of zero profit condition is imposed on the banks?  Given the odd objective function of the banks, how exactly does the Fisher effect work in the short run?  Or is it imposed from without by competition from non-bank lenders?  I'm not sure on these questions and they suggest possible holes in the above speculation.

I also regard this as a somewhat gruesome hypothesis.  It means that "Main Street" is paying for "Wall Street" (forgive me the use of those awful terms) in at least two ways: high unemployment and inability to earn much on one's savings.  Risk on the Fed balance sheet is also paying some big part of the bill, since presumably that is helping to maintain the interest rate spread.

The term structure also implies that the market is expecting rising short rates, so if the bank mess isn't cleaned up soon, heaven forbid.  The spread, as a means of restoring bank profitability, won't last forever.

Christmas Bonuses for Fannie and Freddie

The Obama administration tried to sneak this one under the radar by making it official on Christmas Eve.  The Washington Post did a good job catching the story:

The Obama administration pledged Thursday to provide unlimited financial assistance to mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, an eleventh-hour move that allows the government to exceed the current $400 billion cap on emergency aid without seeking permission from a bailout-weary Congress.

…But even as the administration was making this open-ended financial commitment, Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac disclosed that they had received approval from their federal regulator to pay $42 million in Wall Street-style compensation packages to 12 top executives for 2009.

The compensation packages, including up to $6 million each to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac's chief executives, come amid an ongoing public debate about lavish payments to executives at banks and other financial firms that have received taxpayer aid. But while many firms on Wall Street have repaid the assistance, there is no prospect that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac will do so.

More on the economics of the decisive Senator

There's been a lot of moralizing about the holdout strategies of Lieberman and Nelson, but under some game-theoretic accounts it is a blessing in disguise, a blessing for Obama at least.  For instance Rahm Emanuel can now say to the House: "look, we just can't renegotiate this any more or the coalition will fall apart.  You'd better get on board with the Senate version of the bill"  A lot of these legislative games don't otherwise have a core, or it takes so long to find the core that the deal falls apart in the meantime.

The holdout behavior of one decisive Senator decreases the need to cut bargains with other members of Congress.  The key words here are "credible precommitment to no further renegotiation."  The more anxious or wavering Nelson and Lieberman were/are, the more credible this precommitment.

Often it's easier to trade with one or two guys than to suffer death by a thousand cuts by having to appease the larger group, yet again.  Keep in mind that Obama probably needs this bill more than do most of the Democrats in the House, so he can't just stonewall and win the staredown.  In addition to his other roles and effects, Lieberman arguably serves as Obama's "bad cop" enforcer.

How to limit filibusters

Requiring fifty rather than sixty votes is one obvious response, but let's say that either isn't possible or is for other reasons undesirable.  That is, you still might want a high threshold for new legislation, yet without so empowering the sixtieth legislator or for that matter the fiftieth legislator.

One (non-practical) option is to randomize the number of votes held by each Senator, with the number being revealed only after the vote is held.  That way Joe Lieberman wouldn't know in advance that he is the decisive Senator.  One problem of this is that to ensure passage of the now-riskier bill you might have to spread around pork more generally.

Another (non-practical) solution is to give more votes to Senators who precommit in advance to supporting (or opposing) whatever comes out of the process.  Of course that can also backfire, by making it harder for the non-Liebermans to threaten defection.

Then there is bribery and log-rolling and yet more pork.

What other options are there for limiting holdouts, either practical or purely theoretical?

Civil war exposure and violence

That's a new paper by Edward Miguel, Sebastian Saiegh, and Shanker Satyanath and here is the abstract:

In recent years scholars have begun to focus on the consequences of individuals’ exposure to civil war, including its severe health and psychological consequences. Our innovation is to move beyond the survey methodology that is widespread in this literature to analyze the actual behavior of individuals with varying degrees of exposure to civil war in a common institutional setting. We exploit the presence of thousands of international soccer (football) players with different exposures to civil conflict in the European professional leagues, and find a strong relationship between the extent of civil conflict in a player’s home country and his propensity to behave violently on the soccer field, as measured by yellow and red cards. This link is robust to region fixed effects, country characteristics (e.g., rule of law, per capita income), player characteristics (e.g., age, field position, quality), outliers, and team fixed effects. Reinforcing our claim that we isolate the effect of civil war exposure rather than simple rule-breaking or something else entirely, there is no meaningful correlation between our measure of exposure to civil war and soccer performance measures not closely related to violent conduct. The result is also robust to controlling for civil wars before a player’s birth, suggesting that it is not driven by factors from the distant historical past.

One question is whether such behavior occurs because the player's psyche has somehow been brutalized or whether it is a deliberate affect aimed at a violence-expecting audience back home.  It's related to which variables might best predict the propensity of an NBA player to pick up technical fouls; would that be correlated with urban upbringing, the nature of the audience (home vs. away, TV vs. live crowd, etc.) or perhaps correlated with early brushes with the law?

If you wish to skim the results, start with p.25.  The Colombian players pick up a lot of yellow cards.

*The End of Influence*

The subtitle is What Happens When Other Countries Have the Money and the authors are Stephen S. Cohen and Brad DeLong.  Here is an excerpt:

The Asian export-led growth model must — over time — transform itself to domestic consumption and prosperity models.  The American borrow-and-import model will also have to shift — again, this takes considerable time — to a model of consumption-at-the-level-you-produce.  And the need to keep the confidence of those who have the money that their money is well placed in the United States serves as a constraint on U.S.  policy in a way that it has never been before.

In the last three paragraphs of the book the authors describe the various stimulus attempts as something that will "buy time," but will not be sufficient to alter this basic trajectory.

Cato dialog on Tom Palmer’s new book

Here is a YouTube of Tom Palmer presenting his new book, with yours truly commenting, at the Cato Institute.  David Boaz summarizes part of my comment.  Here is my previous post on Tom's new book and the book, Realizing Liberty, is available for purchase on-line,  Tom points us to this podcast of him criticizing me; his comment reflects some of the differences in our points of view.

One question in the dialog was to what extent an adherence to liberty — at the level of an entire polity — is likely to be culturally specific.  I see pro-liberty ideas as more likely to be Anglo-American than Tom does or at least more northwestern European.  It is for this reason, I think, that he favors free immigration whereas I, although very pro-immigration relative to the political debate, favor legal limits in many cases, including the United States, Switzerland, and Iceland.  

A second question is to what extent ideas about liberty can be supported without encouraging "the paranoid style" in American politics.  Too often advocacy of individual liberty ends up bundled with the paranoid style of reasoning and overly simple good vs. evil narratives.  I have yet to see a good explanation for why.

Overall I am more suspicious of "ideology" than is Tom.  He sees ideology as having driven many very beneficial social movements, such as the abolition of slavery.  I accept that point but still fear that ideological reasoning is likely to end up biased away from an emphasis on abstract concepts.  That will mean ideology is often useful for ending very concrete social injustices, but that ideology is unlikely to bring people to a deep understanding of "better economics," especially when the distinction between the seen and unseen is important.  The strongest ideologies also tend to be nationalistic.

Will Medicare cost reductions stick?

ChartD
The graph above, which portrays Medicare as a percentage of gdp, is from this SSA piece.  In contrast, Matt Yglesias, Kevin Drum, and others have touted a new short essay as evidence for the claim that the Obama health reform plan will succeed on the cost control front, or at least offer a reasonable chance of succeeding, or at least offers some components which will not be reversed.  Here is one key paragraph:

Virtually all of the Medicare cuts enacted in 1990 and 1993, which accounted for a significant portion of the savings in those large deficit-reduction packages, were implemented. And most of the savings enacted in 1997 other than the SGR cuts – nearly four-fifths – were implemented as well.

Given that Medicare spending growth slowed significantly more than was anticipated after 1997 – in 1999, for the first time ever, it was actually lower than the previous year’s level – and the budget was balanced in 1998 for the first time in 28 years, it is surprising that Congress did not scale back even more of the savings enacted in 1997. There is little likelihood that the positive budgetary outlook that encouraged some easing of the 1997 cuts will return in coming years.

See also Box 2 in the piece (which starts slowly, so skip ahead to the meat I am citing).  If you're wondering about discrepancies between these numbers and the SSA graph, the latter is as a percentage of gdp.

My view is this: the aggregate data show that Medicare expenditures, as a percentage of gdp, have expanded at a healthy clip for every medium-run period you can find since 1973.  I don't doubt that the future — like the past — may well show some shorter periods which look better than others but cost control has never worked in the past on anything but a temporary basis.  Citing a bunch of short periods of time doesn't convince me; they didn't stick!  And only one three-year batch of cost controls showed up, as a success, in the aggregate historical data at all.  (Would you believe a worsening alcoholic who pointed to many days or even weeks where his rate of drinking was declining and also mentioned that he drank less for a few years starting in 1993?  Or maybe this reminds you ever so slightly of the debates over recent global cooling and short vs. long-term trends?  Most progressives recognize that a few years of cooling do not contradict the evidence about the long-term trend and yet here is an odd flip of emphasis on a few short-term improvements.)

In Figure D you'll also see that the savings from the 1993-1996 partially period are offset by later, more rapid increases in Medicare spending as a percentage of gdp.

Three additional points are worth consideration:

1. The period of Medicare cost savings, in the early to mid 1990s, coincides roughly with a more general period of cost savings in health care, due to managed care.  This was soundly rejected by the American public, both in their roles as consumers and voters.

2. There will be more and more older voters in the years to come.

3. We should give at least some consideration to a "mean reversion" theory, by which current cost savings increase the pressure for future splurges.  I don't want to push this view too hard, but the aggregate data, as I eyeball them, seem to imply "do not reject" for this hypothesis.

On the other side of the ledger, you might argue, pro-Obama, that the very act of passing the legislation represents a countervailing force against this long-run trend of rising costs.

You can still argue for the bill on this basis: "Congress will increase future spending on Medicare as much as it can.  Any other expenditures in the meantime serve a "stuff the beast" function and slow down the future rate of growth on Medicare expenditure.  We'd rather spend the money on extra coverage now, realizing that the threat of future fiscal crisis will force later Medicare cuts."

That's not my point of view, but it's what I think the debate on cost control boils down to.  The best case scenario for the bill is that it won't much help cost control, may not hurt it, but by pre-emption will result in more money spent on coverage and less money spent on old people.

Sentences to ponder

Felix Salmon writes:

Remember too that when you have a progressive tax system, especially when there are surcharges on people making seven-figure incomes, you also have a system where for any given level of national income, the greater the inequality, the greater the government’s tax revenues. And indeed federal revenues have been rising faster than median wages for decades now, thanks to the rich getting ever richer.

Given the government’s insatiable appetite for cash, it’s only natural that it would prefer to tax plutocrats, spending some of that money on poorer Americans, rather than move to a world where poorer Americans earn more (but still don’t pay that much in taxes), and the plutocrats earn less, depriving the national fisc of untold billions in revenue.

The government’s interests, then, are naturally aligned with those of the plutocrats – and when that happens, the chances of change naturally drop to zero.

Whenever there's an MR post categorized under both "economics" and "political science," it's usually pretty brutal.

The future of Africa?

I'm still thinking about this fascinating article from the NYT magazine last week, titled "Is There Such a Thing as Agro-Imperialism?".  Here are two excerpts:

…one of the earth’s last large reserves of underused land is the billion-acre Guinea Savannah zone, a crescent-shaped swath that runs east across Africa all the way to Ethiopia, and southward to Congo and Angola.

And:

…as of earlier this year, the Ethiopian government had approved deals totaling around 1.5 million acres, while the country’s investment agency reports that it has approved 815 foreign-financed agricultural projects since 2007, nearly doubling the number registered in the entire previous decade. But that’s far from a complete picture. While the details of a few arrangements have leaked out, like one Saudi consortium’s plans to spend $100 million to grow wheat, barley and rice, many others remain undisclosed, and Addis Ababa has been awash in rumors of Arab moneymen who supposedly rent planes, pick out fertile tracts and cut deals.

Foreign investment can do wonders but the interaction between such investment and corrupt foreign governments can also be negative if workers and citizens are not granted adequate rights.  This article caused me to revaluate possible paths for some African futures.  The Coase theorem is finally kicking in.  I see corrupt politicians deciding it is more profitable, and also more secure, to "sell off" their countries than to oppress them in the traditional manner.  I see a new kind of tax farming, based on the extraction and exploitation of resources and raw materials, with African labor along for the ride.  It will mean higher living standards and better infrastructure, but probably not along a path that will look very appealing to most Western observers.

*Unchecked and Unbalanced*

This book represents an attempt to explore the problem of the discrepancy between the trends in two phenomena: knowledge is becoming more diffuse, while political power is becoming more concentrated.

That's the first sentence of Arnold Kling's second new book; in another context I might have called it "Words of Wisdom."  My blurb on the back was:

This is essential reading on the political dangers facing us today and the risk of excess centralization.  Arnold Kling is one of my favorite commentators.

Here Arnold explains his two books.

How worried should we be about the deficit?

There have been many posts on this topic lately, start with Paul Krugman and Brad DeLong if you need to catch up.  Today I have a few simple points:

1. Even if "it is fine to borrow more" is the most likely scenario, it is not the only scenario.  Let's take a page from Marty Weitzman on climate change.  The worst-case scenarios matter too, because they can be very, very bad.  We need to think probabilistically about this issue.

2. Are there current intelligent discussions of the implied interest rate volatility embedded in current options prices?  If we are looking for market tests, why not start there?  Focusing on the point estimate of the market interest rate(s) discourages you from thinking probabilistically.

3. I know less about Belgium but I am not reassured by Krugman's point that "Italy can do it."  I and many other observers consider Italy's economy to be a basket case which will only get worse.  Nor is Japan in a satisfactory place, economically speaking.

4. Krugman writes: "Belgium is politically weak because of the linguistic divide; Italy is
politically weak because it’s Italy. If these countries can run up
debts of more than 100 percent of GDP without being destroyed by bond
vigilantes, so can we."

I would interpret this evidence differently.  A high deficit often is an unfavorable symptom of bad politics, even if you think the high deficit is economically OK on its own terms.  It's a sign that you have dysfunctional institutions and decision-making procedures, as indeed they do in Belgium and Italy.  I believe that the not-always-swift American voter in fact understands high deficits — correctly — in this light.  They don't hold theories about "crowding out," rather they sense something in the house must be rotten.  And so they rail against deficits, as do some of their elected representatives.  It's a more justified reaction than the pure economics alone can illuminate.

When water regularly overflows from your toilet, you want the toilet fixed, whether or not the water is doing harm.

Monitoring the bureaucracy in Dubai

Sheikh Mohammed oversees a cadre of undercover mystery shoppers…They pose as prickly members of the public seeking the government's help.  Their reports are instrumental in firings and promotions.  No bureaucrat can be sure the demanding customer across the counter isn't secretly reporting to the boss.  Once in a while, Sheikh Mohammed turns up at 7:30 on surprise inspections.  He's been known to fire late-arriving managers on the spot. 

That is from Jim Krane's fascinating City of Gold: Dubai and the Dream of Capitalism.  This is pretty clearly the best book on Dubai.  It has an insider's perspective but is also analytical.  Recommended