Category: Books

What should I ask Andrew Ross Sorkin?

Yes, I will be doing a Conversation with him.  From Wikipedia:

Andrew Ross Sorkin (born February 19, 1977) is an American journalist and author. He is a financial columnist for The New York Times and a co-anchor of CNBC’s Squawk Box. He is also the founder and editor of DealBook, a financial news service published by The New York Times. He wrote the bestselling book Too Big to Fail and co-produced a movie adaptation of the book for HBO Films. He is also a co-creator of the Showtime series Billions.

In October 2025, Sorkin published 1929: Inside the Greatest Crash in Wall Street History–and How It Shattered a Nation, a new history of the Crash based on hundreds of documents, many unpublished.

Most of all I am interested in his new book, but not only.  So what should I ask him?

What I’ve been reading

Terry Eagleton, Modernism: A Literature in Crisis.  The book is short, its quality unevenly distributed, and the subtitle misleading (plenty of it is not about literature).  It remains the case that Eagleton is one of the people who knows enough that he is almost always worth reading.

Jonathan Healey, The Blood in Winter: England on the Brink of Civil War, 1642.  What I found so compelling about this book was the step-by-step narrative of how the whole thing collapsed into very direct conflict and then an execution.  Recommended.

Paul Kingsnorth, Against the Machine: On the Unmaking of Humanity.  I’m not the sort of person to recommend these sorts of anti-tech books (they are a dime a dozen), but if you have to read one of them…this is maybe the most coherent, non-ridiculous, and philosophically oriented, in the good sense of course?

David Nasaw, The Wounded Generaton: Coming Home After World War II.  A good book showing just how much post-traumatic stress disorder there was during and after WWII.

Marc S. Ryan, The Healthcare Labyrinth: A Guide to Navigating Health Plans and Fixing American Health Insurance is a very good and balanced book on the economics of health care.

Benjamin Schneider, The Unfinished Metropolis: Igniting the City-Building Revolution.  How do we make urban transformation succeed in America’s largest and most important cities?  What are the main obstacles to such success?  Schneider calls for resurrecting the “lost art of city-building” to achieve abundant housing, good public transit, and streets for people instead of cars.

Helen Vendler, Inhabit the Poem: Last Essays.  She wrote these for Leon Wieseltier’s magazine, and they are now collected after her passing.  Self-recommending.

And there is Cynthia Paces, Prague: The Heart of Europe.

*Why Live: How Suicide Becomes an Epidemic*

That is the new Helen C. Epstein book, which I found very instructive and useful.  My main wish is that it would be longer, in any case here is one very interesting excerpt of many:

If Nunavut, the semi-autonomous Canadian territory that is home to roughly 28,000 indigenous Inuit people, were an independent country, it would have the highest suicide rate in the world.  The suicide rate in Greenland, whose population is mostly Inuit, is 85 per 100,000; next highest is Lithuania, at 33 per 100,000.  Nunavut’s rate is 100 per 100,000, ten times higher than the rest of Canada and seven times higher than the US.  When I visited Nunavut’s capital, Iqaluit, in July, virtually every Inuit I met had lost at least some relative to suicide, and some recounted as many as five or six family suicides, plus those of friends, co workers ,and other acquaintances.  Three people in my small circle of contacts lost someone close to them to suicide during my nine-day visit.  Acquaintances would direct my attention to passersby on the street: “his older brother too,” “his son.”  Almost one-third of Nunavut Inuit have attmpted suicide, and most Inuit I met confided, without my asking that had done so at least once.

This book also is important for understanding the key phenomenon of negative emotional contagion.

*Surviving Rome: The Economic Lives of the Ninety Percent*

By Kim Bowes, this is an excellent book, the best I know of on ordinary economic life in the Roman empire.  It also shows a very good understanding of economics, unlike some forays by archeologists.  Here is one excerpt:

On the income side, we’ve seen that unskilled wages, which were very low indeed, were also a very bad proxy for income.  Wages were usually part of a portfolio of income, a portfolio that all family members contributed to, but one still centered on own production — either farming or textile/artisanal work.  Unskilled wages supplemented own-production; they mostly weren’t equivalent to it.  Roman wagges, unlike modern wages, can’t be used as a proxy for income.

Gross income from own-production, particularly farming, appears to have been much higher than previously supposed.  Rotation strategies practiced by Italian and Egyptian farmers meant that per-hectare outputs were many times greater than alternate fallow models predicted, since outputs included not only wheat but also significant quantities of fodder and animals.  In the northwest provinces, where rotation was less common, outputs per hectare were lower but still included some hay and larger animal herds.  And every, high settlement densities and shrinking amounts of land would have urged farmers to achieve higher yields — in some places three or more times greater than previously supposed.  We can’t be sure they managed this, only that low yields would have been mostly unteanble and that farmers had the tools — rotation, manuring, weeding — to achieve higher ones.

Most working class Romans, by the way, bought their clothing rather than having to make it themselves.

Recommended, you can pre-order it here.

*The Loneliness of Sonia and Sunny*, by Kiran Desai

I read all the glowing reviews, and concluded it was the kind of book I probably would regard as overrated and to me dull.  Then I started reading it, as indeed I will experiment and sample such things.  The reviews are in fact warranted, and this is a fictional masterpiece.  It is also further evidence for our current literary golden age.

You can order it here.

My excellent Conversation with George Selgin

Here is the audio, video, and transcript.  Here is part of the episode summary:

Tyler and George discuss the surprising lack of fiscal and monetary stimulus in the New Deal, whether revaluing gold was really the best path to economic reflation, how much Glass-Steagall and other individual parts of the New Deal mattered, Keynes’ “very sound” advice to Roosevelt, why Hayek’s analysis fell short, whether America would’ve done better with a more concentrated banking sector, how well the quantity theory of money holds up, his vision for a “night watchman” Fed, how many countries should dollarize, whether stablecoins should be allowed to pay interest, his stake in a fractional-reserve Andalusian donkey ownership scheme, why his Spanish vocabulary is particularly strong on plumbing, his ambivalence about the eurozone, what really got America out of the Great Depression, and more.

Excerpt:

COWEN: But once we revalue gold, as you know, starting in 1933, you have manufacturing-output growth rates of 7 percent to 8 percent until we screw it up later on with some disinflationary pressures. How much better could we have done? Wasn’t that a pretty good performance?

SELGIN: It was pretty good, but it didn’t last very long. In fact, the New Dealers knew that it wouldn’t last very long. There are a couple of reasons why.

First of all, there was a big burst of output that was connected to the expectation that the NRA, the National Recovery Administration, was going to be coming into effect, because it was one of the early New Deal measures. It was going to artificially raise prices through controls. There was a boom that was based only on manufacturers’ desires to jump the gun and buy inputs and produce inventory before their own costs went up. That was part of the story.

Of course, when you’re coming out from the deepest depths of a depression with a banking crisis and all that, you would expect rather rapid growth to follow from the stabilization of the banking situation itself. I don’t want to deny that there was genuine progress during those early months of the New Deal, and I don’t want to deny that the New Dealers deserve credit for much of it, but it didn’t last. Of course, we all know it didn’t last.

Beyond that first period, once the NRA and associated programs for price controls kicked in, things started to slow down very rapidly. What kept the progress going after that — though at a slower rate — was mostly gold starting to rush in from Europe. It was rushing in only initially because of devaluation. After that, it was mostly rushing in because of fears of the consequences of Hitler coming to power and the possibility of war breaking out.

That’s the story of the early phase of the New Deal: a good start that didn’t last that long, except as a result of help from abroad that was quite unintentional help.

COWEN: Was revaluing the gold price the best way of reflating the economy? Because there were many proposals at the time. You shut down the domestic gold market as well. Could it have been done better?

SELGIN: Yes, it could have been done better. I think that what should have happened was immediate devaluation of the dollar. It was clear by the time Roosevelt took office, the gold standard, as it had been, had to be at least suspended because the New York banks had run out of gold essentially. That was not something there was much choice about.

Then the question was, “Okay, what are we going to do going forward?” As I said, what I think they should have done was to just plan on a devaluation of the dollar, get it over with as quickly as possible. You don’t announce that plan before you’ve suspended gold payments because that’s just going to make the run on gold worse. Once you’ve suspended, then you can go ahead and proceed with the devaluation.

What Roosevelt did was to engage in this crazy gold purchase program for quite a few months, based on a harebrained theory by a fellow named George Warren, who was very influential. They toyed with the price of gold. The theory was that if you raise the price of gold, other prices will start going up. Didn’t happen. Eventually, after many months, general prices had hardly risen at all.

Finally, Roosevelt picked a value for the dollar, a proper devaluation. Confirmed it, put it into effect, and at that point, things started to improve. That’s what should have happened.

By the way, this is as good a time as any to mention, this is what Keynes would have recommended and did recommend. He scolded or criticized Roosevelt for following Warren’s theories instead. I think that on this and many other scores, Keynes’s advice about dealing with the Depression was actually very sound. The myth is that Roosevelt was following it when, in fact, most of the time, he wasn’t.

Recommended, informative throughout.  I am happy to recommend George’s new and excellent book False Dawn: The New Deal and the Promise of Recovery, 1933-1947.  Plus George now owns a rather large number of donkeys…

The Economics Nobel goes to Mokyr, Aghion and Howitt

The Nobel prize goes to Joel Mokyr, the economic historian of the industrial revolution and the growth theorists Phillippe Aghion and Peter Howitt best known for their Schumpeterian model of economic growth.

Here’s a good quote from Nobelist Joel Mokyr’s the Lever of Riches.

Yet the central message of this book is not unequivocally optimistic . History provides us with relatively few examples of societies that were technologically progressive. Our own world is exceptional, though not unique, in this regard. By and large, the forces opposing technological progress have been stronger than those striving for changes. The study of technological progress is therefore a study of exceptionalism, of cases in which as a result of rare circumstances, the normal tendency of societies to slide toward stasis and equilibrium was broken. The unprecedented prosperity enjoyed today by a substantial proportion of humanity stems from accidental factors to a degree greater than is commonly supposed. Moreover, technological progress is like a fragile and vulnerable plant, whose nourishing is not only dependent on the appropriate surroundings and climate, but whose life is almost always short. It is highly sensitive to the social and economic environment and can easily be arrested by relatively small external changes. If there is a lesson to be learned from the history of technology it is that Schumpeterian growth, like the other forms of economic growth, cannot and should not be taken for granted.

Aghion and Howitt’s Schumpeterian model of economic growth shares with Romer the idea that the key factors of economic growth must be modelled, growth is thus endogenous to the model (unlike Solow where growth is primarily driven by technology, an unexplained exogenous factor). In Romer’s model, however, growth is primarily horizontally driven by new varieties whereas in Aghion and Howitt growth comes from creative destruction, from new ideas, technologies and firms replacing old ideas, technologies and firms.

Thus, Aghion and Howitt’s model lends itself to micro-data on firm entry and exit of the kind pioneered by Haltiwanger and others (who Tyler and I have argued for a future Nobel). Economic growth is not just about new ideas but about how well an economy can reallocate production to the firms using the new ideas. Consider the picture below, based on data from Bartelsman, Haltiwanger, and Scarpetta. It shows the covariance of labor productivity and firm size.  In the United States highly productive firms tend to be big but this is much less true in other economies. In the UK during this period (1993-2001) the covariance of productive and big is considerably less than half the rate in the United States. In Romania at this time the covariance was even negative–indicating that the big firms were among the least productive. Why? Well in Romania this as the end of the communist era when big, unproductive government run behemoths dominated the economy. As Romania moved towards markets the covariance between labor productivity and firm size increased. That is the economy became more productive as it reallocated labor from low productivity firms to high productivity firms.

Aghion and Howitt’s work centers on how new ideas emerge and how creative destruction turns those ideas into real economic change through the birth and death of firms. But creative destruction is never painless—growth requires that some firms fail and that labor be displaced so resources can flow to new, more productive uses. Aghion and Howitt will likely point to the United States as dealing with his process better than Europe. Business dynamism has declined in Europe relative to the United States, a worrying fact given that business dynamism has also declined in the United States. Nevertheless, the US has a more flexible labor market and appears more open to both the birth of new firms (venture capital) and the deaths of older firms. Yet, in both the United States and around the the world the differences between high productivity and low productivity firms appears to be growing, that is the dispersion in productivity is growing which means that the good ideas are not spreading as quickly as they once did. Aghion and Howitt’s work gives us a model for thinking about these kinds of issues–see, for example, Ten Facts on Business Dynamism and Lessons from Endogenous Growth Theory.

Ian Smith’s memoir *Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal*

Yes he used to run Rhodesia, and yes it is costly to buy this book because no one wants to reprint it, for obvious reasons.  Nonetheless it is a fascinating look into an era and its dissolution.

Smith is a wonderful writer, and remarkably erudite, more so than virtually any politician today.  He also is delusional almost beyond belief.  As the title of the memoir indicates, the story is all about the different parties who betrayed him.  The British, the South Africans, and also some of his fellow Rhodesians.  He blames almost everybody else, without considering the possibility that the Rhodesian system of “one white for every seventeen blacks, and without equal rights” (as was the ratio circa 1960) simply was never going to work.

He calls the Rhodesian human rights record “impeccable,” but you will find another perspective from GPT-5.

He loves to inveigh against South African apartheid, which he considered very bad publicity for the broader project of civilizing the southern cone of the African continent.  He insisted that Rhodesia had nothing similar.

Unlike many contemporary writers, he often is willing to tell you what he really thinks, for instance:

Hilgar Muller certainly put on a good performance, full of drama and emotion, the kind of thing these foreign-affairs types have got to perfect if they are going to do their job.  He need not have bothered as far as I was concerned, for I am far too experienced and down to earth to be influenced by such tactics.

The closest he ever comes to blaming himself, his party, or his decisions is when he writes:

Our crime was that we had resisted revolutionary political change.

Or he writes:

I myself certainly prefer having dealings with some of these honest-to-goodness black people, than with the two-faced liberals of the Labour Party or the Fabian Society.

“Recommended” is not exactly the word I wish to use here, but I can report that I read the whole thing.

What I’ve been reading

Marcus Willaschek, Kant: A Revolution in Thinking.  A very good book, perhaps the best introduction to Kant?  Though for me it is mostly interior to my current knowledge set.

Matthew Bell, Goethe: A Life in Ideas.  A beautiful book, now in English we have Nicholas Boyle’s work and also this.  Bell is wise enough to understand and value Iphigenia auf Tauris, a good test for Goethe appeciation.  Although I had a library copy out to read, I went ahead and bought a copy of this one to own.

Benjamin Wilson, Strange Stability: How Cold War Scientists Set Out to Control the Arms Race and Ended up Serving the Military-Industrial Complex is both interesting and has plenty of information on early Thomas Schelling and his precursors.

Very well researched is The Highest Exam: How the Gaokao Shapes China, by Ruixue Jia and Hongbin Li, with Claire Cousineau.

Peter Baxter, Rhodesia: A Complete History 1890-1980.  The most complete history of the country I have been able to find.  Many of the other books contain a few dominant, non-false narratives, but one gets tired of that?  I say LLMs come especially in handy for learning this history.

Luka Ivan Jukic, Central Europe: The Death of a Civilization and the Life of an Idea.  I took this sentence to encapsulate the main lesson of the book, namely that this does not usually work: “Central Europeans were, as ever, masterfully adept at rearranging polities into new configurations.”

I enjoyed Maxim Samson, Earth Shapers: How We Mapped and Mastered the World, From the Panama Canal to the Baltic Way.

My excellent Conversation with John Amaechi

Here is the audio, video, and transcript.  As I said on Twitter, John has the best “podcast voice” of any CWT guest to date.  Here is the episode summary:

John Amaechi is a former NBA forward/center who became a chartered scientist, professor of leadership at Exeter Business School, and New York Times bestselling author. His newest book, It’s Not Magic: The Ordinary Skills of Exceptional Leaders, argues that leadership isn’t bestowed or innate, it’s earned through deliberate skill development.

Tyler and John discuss whether business culture is defined by the worst behavior tolerated, what rituals leadership requires, the quality of leadership in universities and consulting, why Doc Rivers started some practices at midnight, his childhood identification with the Hunchback of Notre Dame and retreat into science fiction, whether Yoda was actually a terrible leader, why he turned down $17 million from the Lakers, how mental blocks destroyed his shooting and how he overcame them, what he learned from Jerry Sloan’s cruelty versus Karl Malone’s commitment, what percentage of NBA players truly love the game, the experience of being gay in the NBA and why so few male athletes come out, when London peaked, why he loved Scottsdale but had to leave, the physical toll of professional play, the career prospects for 2nd tier players, what distinguishes him from other psychologists, why personality testing is “absolute bollocks,” what he plans to do next, and more.

Excerpt:

COWEN: Of NBA players as a whole, what percentage do you think truly love the game?

AMAECHI: It’s a hard question to answer. Well, let me give a number first, otherwise, it’s just frustrating. 40%. And a further 30% like the game, and 20% of them are really good at the game and they have other things they want to do with the opportunities that playing well in the NBA grants them.

But make no mistake, even that 30% that likes the game and the 40% that love the game, they also know that they like what the game can give them and the opportunities that can grow for them, their families and generation, they can make a generational change in their family’s life and opportunities. It’s not just about love. Love doesn’t make you good at something. And this is a mistake that people make all the time. Loving something doesn’t make you better, it just makes the hard stuff easier.

COWEN: Are there any of the true greats who did not love playing?

AMAECHI: Yeah. So I know all former players are called legends, whether you are crap like me or brilliant like Hakeem Olajuwon, right? And so I’m part of this group of legends and I’m an NBA Ambassador as well. So I go around all the time with real proper legends. And a number of them I know, and so I’m not going to throw them under the bus, but it’s the way we talk candidly in the van going between events. It’s like, “Yeah, this is a job now and it was a job then, and it was a job that wrecked our knees, destroyed our backs, made it so it’s hard for us to pick up our children.”

And so it’s a job. And we were commodities for teams who often, at least back in those days, treated you like commodities. So yeah, there’s a lot of superstars, really, really excellent players. But that’s the problem, don’t conflate not loving the game. And also, don’t be fooled. In Britain there’s this habit of athletes kissing the badge. In football, they’ve got the badge on their shirt and they go, “Mwah, yeah.” If that fools you into thinking that this person loves the game, if them jumping into the stands and hugging you fools you into thinking that they love the game, more fool you.

COWEN: Michael Cage, he loved the game. Right?

But do note that most of the Conversation is not about the NBA.

*Being Thomas Jefferson: An Intimate History*

That is the forthcoming book by Andrew Burstein, who is also author of the excellent Madison and Jefferson (with Nancy Isenberg).  I am sent many books on the founding and Founding Fathers, and while I find their average quality to be high, usually they do not grab my attention.  I have already read plenty in that area.  I also have consumed many books on Jefferson in particular,s Dumas Malone boring or magisterial?  But this one I read straight through, as it is simply…compelling.  Excerpt:

Three thousand copies of Esquisse were issued in 1795, nine years before the publication of Condorcet’s Collected Writings in twenty-one volumes [TC: when is the AI-assisted translation coming?].  As a systematic compendium of the philosophe’s outlook on all matters of human intervention and the “perfectability” of the species, the book advances through the stages of social development from early times in order to address the need for liberation of the progressive spirit through all available means of encouragement.  He applaus every perceptible advance toward closing the economic gap between the wealthy and everyone else, as well as equality under the law, rights of conscience, decolonization, and universal suffrage.  It is difficult to find another Enlightenment figure who went as far as Condorcet in envisioning a just society.

And:

President Thomas Jefferson, self-styled champion of republican methods, was putting his finger on the scale here.  It is hard to pretend otherwise.  With an unwarranted exercise of power aimed at weakening the Supreme Court, he was acting from a private need to humiliate a man who treated a nonelective position as a partisan platform.  While the emotion is quite understandable, Jefferson’s justice was purely retributive.

Recommended, you can pre-order here.

My excellent Conversation with Steven Pinker

Here is the audio, video, and transcript.  Here is part of the episode summary:

Tyler and Steven probe these dimensions of common knowledge—Schelling points, differential knowledge, benign hypocrisies like  a whisky bottle in a paper bag—before testing whether rational people can actually agree (spoiler: they can’t converge on Hitchcock rankings despite Aumann’s theorem), whether liberal enlightenment will reignite and why, what stirring liberal thinkers exist under the age 55, why only a quarter of Harvard students deserve A’s, how large language models implicitly use linguistic insights while ignoring linguistic theory, his favorite track on Rubber Soul, what he’ll do next, and more.

Excerpt:

COWEN: Surely there’s a difference between coordination and common knowledge. I think of common knowledge as an extremely recursive model that typically has an infinite number of loops. Most of the coordination that goes on in the real world is not like that. If I approach a traffic circle in Northern Virginia, I look at the other person, we trade glances. There’s a slight amount of recursion, but I doubt if it’s ever three loops. Maybe it’s one or two.

We also have to slow down our speeds precisely because there are not an infinite number of loops. We coordinate. What percentage of the coordination in the real world is like the traffic circle example or other examples, and what percentage of it is due to actual common knowledge?

PINKER: Common knowledge, in the technical sense, does involve this infinite number of arbitrarily embedded beliefs about beliefs about beliefs. Thank you for introducing the title with the three dots, dot, dot, dot, because that’s what signals that common knowledge is not just when everyone knows that everyone knows, but when everyone knows that everyone knows that and so on. The answer to your puzzle — and I devote a chapter in the book to what common knowledge — could actually consist of, and I’m a psychologist, I’m not an economist, a mathematician, a game theorist, so foremost in my mind is what’s going on in someone’s head when they have common knowledge.

You’re right. We couldn’t think through an infinite number of “I know that he knows” thoughts, and our mind starts to spin when we do three or four. Instead, common knowledge can be generated by something that is self-evident, that is conspicuous, that’s salient, that you can witness at the same time that you witness other people witnessing it and witnessing you witnessing it. That can grant common knowledge in a stroke. Now, it’s implicit common knowledge.

One way of putting it is you have reason to believe that he knows that I know that he knows that I know that he knows, et cetera, even if you don’t literally believe it in the sense that that thought is consciously running through your mind. I think there’s a lot of interplay in human life between this recursive mentalizing, that is, thinking about other people thinking about other people, and the intuitive sense that something is out there, and therefore people do know that other people know it, even if you don’t have to consciously work that through.

You gave the example of norms and laws, like who yields at an intersection. The eye contact, though, is crucial because I suggest that eye contact is an instant common knowledge generator. You’re looking at the part of the person looking at the part of you, looking at the part of them. You’ve got instant granting of common knowledge by the mere fact of making eye contact, which is why it’s so potent in human interaction and often in other species as well, where eye contact can be a potent signal.

There are even species that can coordinate without literally having common knowledge. I give the example of the lowly coral, which presumably not only has no beliefs, but doesn’t even have a brain with which to have beliefs. Coral have a coordination problem. They’re stuck to the ocean floor. Their sperm have to meet another coral’s eggs and vice versa. They can’t spew eggs and sperm into the water 24/7. It would just be too metabolically expensive. What they do is they coordinate on the full moon.

On the full moon or, depending on the species, a fixed number of days after the full moon, that’s the day where they all release their gametes into the water, which can then find each other. Of course, they don’t have common knowledge in knowing that the other will know. It’s implicit in the logic of their solution to a coordination problem, namely, the public signal of the full moon, which, over evolutionary time, it’s guaranteed that each of them can sense it at the same time.

Indeed, in the case of humans, we might do things that are like coral. That is, there’s some signal that just leads us to coordinate without thinking it through. The thing about humans is that because we do have or can have recursive mentalizing, it’s not just one signal, one response, full moon, shoot your wad. There’s no limit to the number of things that we can coordinate creatively in evolutionarily novel ways by setting up new conventions that allow us to coordinate.

COWEN: I’m not doubting that we coordinate. My worry is that common knowledge models have too many knife-edge properties. Whether or not there are timing frictions, whether or not there are differential interpretations of what’s going on, whether or not there’s an infinite number of messages or just an arbitrarily large number of messages, all those can matter a lot in the model. Yet actual coordination isn’t that fragile. Isn’t the common knowledge model a bad way to figure out how coordination comes about?

And this part might please Scott Sumner:

COWEN: I don’t like most ballet, but I admit I ought to. I just don’t have the time to learn enough to appreciate it. Take Alfred Hitchcock. I would say North by Northwest, while a fine film, is really considerably below Rear Window and Vertigo. Will you agree with me on that?

PINKER: I don’t agree with you on that.

COWEN: Or you think I’m not your epistemic peer on Hitchcock films?

PINKER: Your preferences are presumably different from beliefs.

COWEN: No. Quality relative to constructed standards of the canon…

COWEN: You’re going to budge now, and you’re going to agree that I’m right. We’re not doing too well on this Aumann thing, are we?

PINKER: We aren’t.

COWEN: Because I’m going to insist North by Northwest, again, while a very good movie is clearly below the other two.

PINKER: You’re going to insist, yes.

COWEN: I’m going to insist, and I thought that you might not agree with this, but I’m still convinced that if we had enough time, I could convince you. Hearing that from me, you should accede to the judgment.

I was very pleased to have read Steven’s new book When Everyone Knows That Everyone Knows . . .: Common Knowledge and the Mysteries of Money, Power, and Everyday Life.

Reading Orwell in Moscow

In this paper, I measure the effect of conflict on the demand for frames of reference, or heuristics that help individuals explain their social and political environment by means of analogy. To do so, I examine how Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 reshaped readership of history and social science books in Russia. Combining roughly 4,000 book abstracts retrieved from the online catalogue of Russia’s largest bookstore chain with data on monthly reading patterns of more than 100,000 users of the most popular Russian-language social reading platform, I find that the invasion prompted an abrupt and substantial increase in readership of books that engage with the experience of life under dictatorship and acquiescence to dictatorial crimes, with a predominant focus on Nazi Germany. I interpret my results as evidence that history books, by offering regime-critical frames of reference, may serve as an outlet for expressing dissent in a repressive authoritarian regime.

That is from a job market paper by Natalia Vasilenok, political science at Stanford.  Via.