Category: Current Affairs

SuperFreakonomics on Geoengineering, Revisited

Geoengineering first came to much of the public’s attention in Levitt and Dubner’s 2009 book SuperFreakonomics. Levitt and Dubner were heavily criticized and their chapter on geoengineering was called patent nonsense, dangerous and error-ridden, unforgivably wrong and much more. A decade and a half later, it’s become clear that Levitt and Dubner were foresighted and mostly correct.

The good news is that climate change is a solved problem. Solar, wind, nuclear and various synthetic fuels can sustain civilization and put us on a long-term neutral footing. Per capita CO2 emissions are far down in developed countries and total emissions are leveling for the world. The bad news is that 200 years of putting carbon into the atmosphere still puts us on a warming trend for a long time. To deal with the immediate problem there is probably only one realistic and cost-effective solution: geoengineering. Geoengineering remains “fiendishly simple” and “startlingly cheap” and it will almost certainly be necessary. On this score, the world is catching up to Levitt and Dubner.

Fred Pearce: Once seen as spooky sci-fi, geoengineering to halt runaway climate change is now being looked at with growing urgency. A spate of dire scientific warnings that the world community can no longer delay major cuts in carbon emissions, coupled with a recent surge in atmospheric concentrations of CO2, has left a growing number of scientists saying that it’s time to give the controversial technologies a serious look.

“Time is no longer on our side,” one geoengineering advocate, former British government chief scientist David King, told a conference last fall. “What we do over the next 10 years will determine the future of humanity for the next 10,000 years.”

King helped secure the Paris Climate Agreement in 2015, but he no longer believes cutting planet-warming emissions is enough to stave off disaster. He is in the process of establishing a Center for Climate Repair at Cambridge University. It would be the world’s first major research center dedicated to a task that, he says, “is going to be necessary.”

Similarly, here is climate scientist David Keith in the NYTimes:

The energy infrastructure that powers our civilization must be rebuilt, replacing fossil fuels with carbon-free sources such as solar or nuclear. But even then, zeroing out emissions will not cool the planet. This is a direct consequence of the single most important fact about climate change: Warming is proportional to the cumulative emissions over the industrial era.

Eliminating emissions by about 2050 is a difficult but achievable goal. Suppose it is met. Average temperatures will stop increasing when emissions stop, but cooling will take thousands of years as greenhouse gases slowly dissipate from the atmosphere. Because the world will be a lot hotter by the time emissions reach zero, heat waves and storms will be worse than they are today. And while the heat will stop getting worse, sea level will continue to rise for centuries as polar ice melts in a warmer world. This July was the hottest month ever recorded, but it is likely to be one of the coolest Julys for centuries after emissions reach zero.

Stopping emissions stops making the climate worse. But repairing the damage, insofar as repair is possible, will require more than emissions cuts.

…Geoengineering could also work. The physical scale of intervention is — in some respects — small. Less than two million tons of sulfur per year injected into the stratosphere from a fleet of about a hundred high-flying aircraft would reflect away sunlight and cool the planet by a degree. The sulfur falls out of the stratosphere in about two years, so cooling is inherently short term and could be adjusted based on political decisions about risk and benefit.

Adding two million tons of sulfur to the atmosphere sounds reckless, yet this is only about one-twentieth of the annual sulfur pollution from today’s fossil fuels.

Even the Biden White House has signaled that geoengineering is on the table.

Geoengineering remains absurdly cheap, Casey Handmer calculates:

Indeed, if we want to offset the heat of 1 teraton of CO2, we need to launch 1 million tonnes of SO2 per year, costing just $350m/year. This is about 5% of the US’ annual production of sulfur. This costs less than 0.1% on an annual basis of the 40 year program to sequester a trillion tonnes of CO2.

…Stepping beyond the scolds, the gatekeepers, the fatalists and the “nyet” men, we’re going to have to do something like this if we don’t want to ruin the prospects of humanity for 100 generations, so now is the time to think about it.

Detractors claim that geoengineering is playing god, fraught with risk and uncertainty. But these arguments are riddled with omission-commission bias. Carbon emissions are, in essence, a form of inadvertent geoengineering. Solar radiation engineering, by comparison, seems far less perilous. Moreover, we are already doing solar radiation engineering just in reverse: International regulations which required shippers to reduce the sulphur content of marine fuels have likely increased global warming! (See also this useful thread.) . Thus, we’re all geoengineers, consciously or not. The only question is whether we are geoengineering to reduce or to increase global warming.

Global (and American) happiness these days

Our world, in a nutshell, good and bad:

Neither the UN’s Human Development Index (HDI) nor data used in the World Happiness Report from the Gallup World Poll shifted much in response to negative shocks. The HDI has been rising in the last decade or so reflecting overall improvements in economic and social wellbeing, captured in part by real earnings growth, although it fell slightly after 2020 as life expectancy dipped. This secular improvement is mirrored in life satisfaction which has been rising in the last decade. However, so too have negative affect in Europe and despair in the USA.

That is from a new NBER working paper by David G. Blanchflower and Alex Bryson.

How to assign property rights in actor AI likenesses

This is an issue in the Actors and Writers Guild strikes, with a key issue being whether studios should be making “take it or leave it” offers which give them rights to the AI likenesses in perpetuity, even for extras.  Here is part of my take in my latest Bloomberg column:

I suggest that the eventual strike settlement forbid studios from buying the rights to AI likenesses for more than a single film or project. Or, as a compromise, the contract could be for some limited number of projects, but not in perpetuity. Actors thus would remain in long-run control of their AI likenesses, yet if they wanted to keep selling those likenesses – project by project – they could do so.

Note that this proposal is along some dimensions quite inegalitarian. That is, future stars would end up much richer and the large numbers of actors who fail would end up slightly poorer. They would not be paid small upfront sums for rights that would quickly become worthless.

We can feel better about that trade-off if we consider the interests of the fans. Many people (myself included) enjoy the image and thought of Han Solo (one of Ford’s most famous roles), whether or not they are paying money in a given year to see the Star Wars movies. Would those fans prefer that Ford or some movie studio be in control of the Han Solo image?

The answer may depend on the wisdom and aesthetic taste of the actor in question, but overall I would opt for actor control of the AI likenesses. At least some actors will care about the quality of the projects their likenesses are attached to, rather than just seeking to maximize profit from deploying the likenesses. So, if the question is whether an AI likeness of Han Solo can greet visitors at the entrance to a Disney ride, Disney might say yes but Ford might say no, or at least he would have that choice.

Having celebrity images remain scarce rather than overexposed is a good aesthetic decision, even if it keeps some market power in the hands of Ford, his eventual heirs and future movie stars more generally. With these additional restraints on AI likenesses, we will likely end up with a more exciting, less tired and less overexposed kind of celebrity culture, and I hope that leads to broader social benefits, if only by cultivating better taste among fans and viewers.

Such a proposal is not so unusual when viewed in a broader context. Standard labor contracts don’t allow you to sell your labor to your boss in perpetuity, as you always retain the right to quit. Few people consider that limitation on contracting objectionable, as it protects human liberty against some hasty or ill-conceived decisions, such as selling yourself into slavery. If your AI likeness ends up being such a good substitute for your physical being, as it seems our current technological track may bring, why should we not consider similar restrictions on the contracts for the AI likeness?

Worth a ponder, these are not easy issues.

German deindustrialization crisis of the day

New orders at the country’s engineering companies, long a bellwether for the health of Germany Inc., have been dropping like a stone, falling 10 percent in May alone, the eighth consecutive decline. Similar weakness is apparent across the German economy, from construction to chemicals.

Foreign interest in Germany as a place to invest is also receding. The number of new foreign investments in Germany fell in 2022 for the fifth year in a row, hitting the lowest point since 2013.

“One sometimes hears about ‘creeping deindustrialization — well, it’s not just creeping anymore,” said Hans-Jürgen Völz, chief economist at BVMW, an association that lobbies for Germany’s Mittelstand, the thousands of small- and medium-sized firms that form the backbone of the country’s economy.

And this:

Only four of the 100 most-cited scientific papers on AI in 2022 were German. That compares with 68 for the U.S. and 27 for China.

“Germany has nothing to offer in any of the most important future-oriented sectors,” said Marcel Fratzscher, the head of Germany’s DIW economic institute. “What exists is old industry.”

The power of technology to transform an economy — or leave it behind — is apparent when comparing the trajectories of Germany and the U.S. over the past 15 years. During that period, the U.S. economy, driven by a boom in Silicon Valley, expanded by 76 percent to $25.5 trillion. Germany’s economy grew by 19 percent to $4.1 trillion. In dollar terms, the U.S. added the equivalent of nearly three Germanys to its economy over that period.

Here is more from Matthew Karnitschnig at Politico.

The disinflation as American triumph

That is the theme of my latest Bloomberg column, score one for the Quantity Theory as well, here is one excerpt:

Enter the notion of “credibility.” A long-standing tradition in macroeconomics, sometimes called rational expectations, suggests that a truly credible central bank can lower inflation rates without a recession. If the central bank announces a lower inflation target, and most people believe the central bank, wages and prices adjust in rough sync with demand. All nominal variables move upward at a slower pace, markets continue to clear, and the economy keeps chugging along. Because individuals in markets believe the disinflation process is for real, they are willing to act in accordance with it in their pricing and wage-demand decisions.

Although rational expectations theory has undergirded several Nobel Prizes (see Robert E. Lucas and Thomas Sargent, for example), most mainstream economists these days do not believe in it as a general approach. The critics might be behavioral economists who scorn the notion that individuals are rational in their market decisions, or they might believe that full credibility is rarely if ever present. After all, do we not live in an age of low trust and mixed quality governance? Over the last year, for instance, I have been party to numerous conversations suggesting the Fed will be afraid to pursue disinflation out of fear of inducing a recession and indirectly electing Donald Trump as president.

And yet it seems the credibility has been there, and so we can give plaudits to various parts of the federal government, including President Biden, for supporting Powell and the Fed. At no point did the president intervene to bash the central bank or send a mixed message, and so the disinflation had implicit stamps of approval from majorities in both parties. It is often the job of Congress to complain, but there were no serious moves made against the independence of the Fed, even if Elizabeth Warren and a few others squawked.

As for the commentariat, a diverse array of economists ranging from the Keynesian Paul Krugman to many conservative economists recognized that rate increases and disinflation were necessary and had to be done with promptness and fortitude. And so credibility reigned.

Granted, the rational expectations view is not always correct — and a recession somewhere down the road isn’t out of the question — but at least in this instance America pulled together and did the job. This sequence of events, which is continuing, should serve as a lesson to those predicting either the decline of America or the creeping polarization and paralysis of our politics. The disinflation can serve as Exhibit A for American optimism and a demonstration that we are still capable of making our own future.

Can the UK and EU pull off the same?

Progress

Mass incarceration fundamentally altered the life course for a generation of American men, but sustained declines in imprisonment in recent years raise questions about how incarceration is shaping current generations. This study makes three primary contributions to a fuller understanding of the contemporary landscape of incarceration in the United States. First, we assess the scope of decarceration. Between 1999 and 2019, the Black male incarceration rate dropped by 44%, and notable declines in Black male imprisonment were evident in all 50 states. Second, our life table analysis demonstrates marked declines in the lifetime risks of incarceration. For Black men, the lifetime risk of incarceration declined by nearly half from 1999 to 2019. We estimate that less than 1 in 5 Black men born in 2001 will be imprisoned, compared with 1 in 3 for the 1981 birth cohort. Third, decarceration has shifted the institutional experiences of young adulthood. In 2009, young Black men were much more likely to experience imprisonment than college graduation. Ten years later, this trend had reversed, with Black men more likely to graduate college than go to prison. Our results suggest that prison has played a smaller role in the institutional landscape for the most recent generation compared with the generation exposed to the peak of mass incarceration.

Here is the full article, via a loyal MR reader.  The causes of this advance should be a greater topic of discussion.

Matt Yglesias on European politics

The deeper reason, though, is that Europe has kind of killed off politics. So much power now rests at the EU level, but the EU doesn’t conduct a recognizable form of democratic politics. Voting for the European Parliament has what David Schleicher terms a “second-order” pattern, where Spanish voters will cast their votes in the European Parliament elections as a way of voicing approval or disapproval for the performance of the prime minister in Madrid. The same is true in Italy, Poland, and so forth.

Regardless of the actual election results, the Parliament is always controlled by a grand coalition with a senior center-right bloc and a junior social democratic bloc. The European Commission — the EU’s version of a cabinet — guarantees each country one Commission slot, so the actual composition of the Commission is a mess based on who controls which country at any given time. And the prime ministers of even small and mid-sized EU countries don’t see moving up to Brussels as a promotion the way American governors become senators or cabinet secretaries run for president.

It’s not exactly an “undemocratic” system, but it’s very depoliticized. You don’t have clear partisan coalitions or a real policy debate, you don’t have incumbents worrying about reelection or ambitious opposition figures looking to gain power. And I think this has consistently undermined Europe’s ability to think clearly about tradeoffs and strike win-win bargains.

That is from this longer (gated but worth it) post on why America has leapt out ahead of Europe in the last few decades.

How the NSF Moved Faster than the NIH During COVID-19

The NSF is a much smaller organization than the NIH but during the pandemic it moved more quickly. Why? Maxwell Tabarrok explains:

The NSF relied on its special congressional authority to skip peer review to bootstrap its pandemic-related granting. Two pre-existing programs which use this authority enabled the NSF’s speedy response. The RAPID (Rapid Response Research) and EAGER (EArly-concept Grants for Exploratory Research) programs focus on “proposals having a severe urgency,” and “exploratory work in its early stages on untested, but potentially transformative, research ideas,” respectively. Both turn applications around quickly: while typical federal science grants take 9-12 months of review, RAPID and EAGER grants usually provide funding to researchers in less than a month.

…The NSF funded valuable research through its RAPID grants program, including the development of the first COVID-19 test to get FDA approval, the Johns Hopkins COVID-19 data dashboard, and both inhaled and micro-needle patch vaccines, the latter of which is currently being scaled up for use in HPV vaccines. These examples don’t conclusively show that the NSF avoided sacrificing quality control for speed, but they suggest that the NSF’s internal team of reviewers funded multiple effective projects that benefited from faster turnarounds. The benefits of speeding up these big successes when they were urgently needed outweighed the hypothetical costs of approving some below-average projects.

In crises generally, the success of a science funder is determined by its biggest wins, not by the average quality of the projects it approves. Science’s impact on the pandemic was dominated by a single technology: the mRNA vaccine. The next most important contributions, likely testing or pharmaceutical treatments, were less important than the vaccine, and the average COVID-19 research project may have had minimal impact. External peer review slows down the funding of all projects to make sure that low-quality research is not funded. This kind of bottom-end quality control is less important in a crisis environment. At crisis-response margins, it’s probably better for science funding agencies to anchor less on quality control and instead take more shots on goal.

The NIH, to be fair, also responded more rapidly than usual and it used some special “shark-tank” like programs to do so which also worked well.

Read the whole thing for more recommendations.

Can the School Choice Movement Liberate Childhood?

Richard Hanania has a very good post on the rapidly expanding school choice movement and his hopes for a radical rethinking of education.

The first thing to point out about public education is that it involves an extreme restriction of liberty beyond anything we usually accept. How common is it for government to force you to be in a certain place at a certain time? What I call “time-place” mandates are rare. Sometimes you have to go to the DMV, but even then you spend a short amount of time there, and can generally choose when to go. Sometimes people have to respond to subpoenas or jury duty, but those are uncommon events in most people’s lives. Government says to do your taxes, though you only have a deadline and can fill out the paperwork whenever and under whatever conditions you want.

The only substantial populations of individuals who have their lives structured according to time-place mandates in a free society like ours are prisoners, members of the military, and children. The mandates for children have gotten less strict over the years now that all states allow homeschooling, but opponents of school choice for all practical purposes want to do what they can to shape the incentive structures of parents so that they all use public schools (liberal reformers tend to like vouchers that can be used at charter schools, but not ESAs, which give parents complete control). Of course, children don’t have the freedom of adults, and so others are by default in control of how they spend most of their time. But it’s usually parents, not the government, that we trust in this role. Given the unusual degree to which public education infringes on individual liberty and family autonomy, the burden of proof has to be on those in favor of maintaining such an extreme institution.

…To me, the true promise of the school choice movement isn’t that it might simply save a bit of money or avoid the worst excesses of public education. Rather, it presents an opportunity to rethink childhood…On what basis did we as a society decide that the ideal way to spend a childhood was to attend government institutions 5 days a week, 7 hours a day, 9 months a year, for 12 years? That most of that time should be spent sitting at a desk, with say one hour for lunch and one for recess?

My hope is that states with universal ESAs will see radical experimentation. Maybe some parents would send their kids to a traditional school for six months of the year, and then have them apprenticing or interning in the workforce the rest of the time. Imagine having a few months experience working at a law firm during eighth grade, grabbing coffee for corporate executives in ninth grade, following around a pipe fitter in tenth grade, and helping around a gym in eleventh grade.

I too would like to see radical experimentation in education but I’m struck by how conservative and homogeneous schools are, regardless of their public or private status. Private schools, despite having the autonomy, have not pioneered novel teaching methods. Montessori was innovative but that was a hundred years ago. A few private schools have adopted Direct Instruction, but how many offer lessons in memory palaces, mental arithmetic or increasing creativity?

I am enthusiastic about developments coming out of Elon Musk’s school and Minerva but it’s still remarkable how similar almost all private schools are to almost all public schools. The global adoption of a nearly identical education model is also disturbing, as I harbor significant skepticism that we’ve reached an optimum. I see this as more of an outcome of world-elite consensus, similar to what we saw with COVID policy, with basically only Sweden bucking the trend and coming under intense pressure for doing so.

Online education and AI ought to greatly expand the potential range of experimentation but the demand for experimentation appears to be low.

Hanania has more of interest to say. Read the whole thing.

Michael Power on Kenya

With cyclical and Covid-related variations, of course, Kenya has been running a 5%+ GDP average annual growth rate for two decades. Since 1994, South Africa’s has, with an average of 2.4% per annum, not achieved half that. The contrast in performance is even more stark since 2011: in that year, South Africa’s GDP was 10.2 times Kenya’s; a decade later, in 2021, this ratio had fallen to 3.8. Meanwhile, according to Trading Economics, as South Africa’s current unemployment rate is 33%, Kenya’s is 5%…

And:

The first item to note in Kenya’s favour is the extraordinary “can do” commercial attitude that prevails no matter which political party is in power. Of course, there have been, are and will be differences in emphasis, but whether it is Team Uhuru Kenyatta or Team William Ruto that is calling the shots, both sides are unashamedly pro-business.

And before assuming that this means they are therefore anti-labour, that is simply not the case: more than halving unemployment to under 5% during the last decade is evidence of that. It helps that 86% of Kenya’s workforce now has some post-secondary education.

Kenya’s informal economy is vibrant, solutions-oriented and celebrated — far more than pooh-poohed — by politicians of every persuasion. Called in Swahili “jua kali” — “hot sun”, or, literally, “sun hot” — it operates outdoors and amounts to a training ground for industrial labourers, many of whom have gone on to “graduate” into more formal manufacturing activities, a form of tropical apprenticeship that even the Germans would applaud.

On a drive into the City Centre from Nairobi Airport — now much faster thanks to a Chinese-built highway — you can see roadside manufacture of beds, buckets, furniture, tin trunks, lamps, kitchen pots, jikos (ovens), coffins… you name it. And this is all happening at 8pm, well after the jua has gone down!

And:

GDP-adjusted, Kenya now receives more venture capital investment than anywhere else in Africa; its ratio of VC-to-GDP is more than triple “rivals” Nigeria, Egypt and South Africa. Unsurprisingly, these money inflows have helped reinforce Nairobi’s long-held status as East Africa’s financial capital.

And:

Remoteness in Kenya is no longer a barrier to generating power: a flight over arid northern Kenya on a sunny day gives the impression of a country littered with “glittering diamonds”. On-grid electricity has benefitted from solar too, as well as wind and thermal with over 90% of power generated now coming from these sources.

The 2030 target — which is well within reach as the country is ahead of its interim targets — is to generate 100% of power from renewable sources.

As noted above, for renewable energy projects, private sector financing is everywhere to be seen, from the single solar panel on a house to the giant wind farms of Kipeto and Lake Turkana: Blackrock is an investor in the latter with the US government helping fund the former.

And Kenya’s thermal endowment — born of the country’s geological position astride the hot steam vents of the Great Rift Valley — is the original underpinning of its renewable energy story: here it has benefitted hugely from best-in-class Icelandic technical support and finance.

Kenya still has major problems with foreign investment, as I have noted, but the Power piece is interesting on numerous fronts.

Markets in everything those new (Japanese) service sector jobs

Certain tech bosses are notoriously temperamental – so much so that conflict-averse folks have been known to put in their notice while the execs are on leave. But some Japanese employees have taken this a step further – actually employing an agent to quit their job for them.

The idea is to extricate themselves from delicate scenarios where they feel bullied to stay on board or are otherwise unwilling to leave for fear of being accused of “betraying” the corporation.

In a country renowned for its ultra conservative culture and hierarchical structure, those in the workforce who jump between jobs can be perceived as quitters, with all the shameful connotations attached to that branding.

Step forward the taishoku daiko – or “job-leaving agents” – that emerged in recent times to aid those who simply cannot tell their boss they’re off to pastures new.

Here is the full article, via the excellent Samir Varma.

Stephen King on inflation targets

Inflation targets are not supposed to be mere fair weather friends. They serve at all times to reduce arbitrary and undemocratic redistributions of income and wealth and stealthy forms of “hidden” taxation, all of which monarchs, despots, autocrats and, yes, democratically elected governments have, via the printing press, exploited. While there’s nothing wrong with debating the correct target “number”, choosing to raise targets when inflation has persistently surprised on the upside smacks of no more than short-run political opportunism — precisely what central bank independence was supposed to avoid.

There is more, here is the full FT link.

Nigeria reform of the day (again)

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu signed the Electricity Bill 2023 into an Act (Electricity Act 2023) on June 10, 2023, to much frenzy and a bit of confusion – erstwhile president, Muhammadu Buhari, signed into law an amendment enabling states in the country to license, generate, transmit, and distribute electricity earlier in March 2023.

To begin, let’s distinguish between the recent assents by President Buhari and President Tinubu in relation to electricity. President Buhari’s amendment to the constitution marked a necessary initial step toward decentralizing the electricity sector, granting states greater control over generation, regulation, and distribution. However, it did not establish specific laws or regulations for the sector itself.

President Tinubu’s recently signed Electricity Act, on the other hand, constitutes the second phase of decentralization. This Act sets the stage for the electricity market by introducing rules governing generation, transmission, and distribution. Moreover, it empowers states to develop their own laws and regulations tailored to their unique circumstances.

In summary, President Buhari’s constitutional amendment laid the foundation for increased state autonomy, while President Tinubu’s Electricity Act provides the framework for implementing this autonomy.

Here is the full discussion from Basil Abia, who tells me his Substack will be covering Nigeriam reforms in more detail.