Category: Current Affairs
So many mistakes
Scott Alexander claims “I often disagree with Marginal Revolution, but their post today made me a new level of angry…” The topic is US AID.
I think when Scott is angry (much less “a new level of angry”) he does not think straight. First, someone should tell him that Emergent Ventures overhead is typically two percent, five percent for dealing with screwier banking systems. (That is one reason why I won the recent Time magazine award for innovation in philanthropy.) I am well aware there are various ways of calculating overhead, but there are now more than one thousand Emergent Ventures winners, and all of them can testify to how radically stripped-down the process is.
This sentence is also wildly off:
But it [o3] estimated that if the federal government gives a dollar of research funding to Mercatus, about 40% would go to combined university and Mercatus overhead – higher than the average USAID charity.
For one thing, Scott could have simply asked me how it works. It is also the case that we do not receive or seek federal government research funding, but if we did the overhead going to GMU would be zero (are you listening o3?). Depending on the exact source of the funding, very likely we would make a lot of money on such grants because we would receive significant “overhead” payments for what would not be actual overhead expenses. That is one big problem with the system, I might add. We at Mercatus have made the judgment that we do not wish to become institutionally/financially addicted to such overhead…and I wish more non-profits would do the same.
Scott takes me to be endorsing Rubio’s claim that the third-party NGOs simply pocket the money. In reality my fact check with o3 found (correctly) that the money was “channelled through” the NGOs, not pocketed. Scott lumps my claim together with Rubio’s as if we were saying the same thing. My very next words (“I do understand that not all third party allocations are wasteful…”) show a clear understanding that the money is channeled, not pocketed, and my earlier and longer post on US AID makes that clearer yet at greater length. Scott is simply misrepresenting me here.
There was an earlier time when US AID did much less channeling through American third party NGOs. That was in my view a better regime, though of course Congress wanted to spend more money on Americans, and furthermore parts of the Republican Party, often in the executive branch, viewed the NGO alternative as more flexible and also more market-friendly. That created a small number of triumphs, such as PEPFAR, and a lot of waste, and I am happy to clear away much of that waste. Doing so also will improve aid decision-making in the future. It is right to believe that US AID can operate on another basis, and also right to wish to stop a system that allows spending on ostensible “democracy promotion.” I find it a useful discipline to have an initial approach to the problem that starts with this question “if you can’t find poverty-fighting domestic institutions in a country to fund directly, with sufficient trust, perhaps you should be giving aid elsewhere.” I also find it plausible that doing a lot of initial and pretty radical clearing away of NGO relations is the best way to get there, though I agree that point is debatable.
When I read from the well-informed Charlie Robertson that “My data suggests US AID flows in 2024 were equivalent to: 93% of Somalia’s government revenues, 61% in Sudan, just over 50% in South Sudan and Yemen” I get pretty nervous. Don’t you? I do see this can be argued either way (can we really countenance immediate collapse?), but I am hardly shocked or outraged by the skeptical attitude of the American people here. I say spend the money where it can be put to good use, and also where those uses are politically sustainable. I do understand that this will reallocate aid toward what are on the whole wealthier countries. In those places you still can do a great deal of good for poorer people.
Scott writes: “When Trump and Rubio try to tar them [US AID] as grifters in order to make it slightly easier to redistribute their Congress-earmarked money to kleptocrats and billionaire cronies, this goes beyond normal political lying into the sort of thing that makes you the scum of the earth, the sort of person for whom even an all-merciful God could not restrain Himself from creating Hell.” Is that how the rationalist community should be presenting itself? In a time when innocent Americans are gunned down in the streets for their (ostensible) political views, and political assassination attempts seem to be rising, and there even has been a rationalist murder cult running around, does this show a morally responsible and clear thinking approach to the post that was published?
More generally, I wonder if Scott ever has dealt with US AID or other multilaterals, or the world of NGOs, much of which surrounds Washington DC. I have lived in this milieu for almost forty years, and sometimes worked in it, from various sides including contractor. A lot of people have the common sense to realize that these institutions are pretty wasteful (not closedly tied to measured overhead btw), too oriented toward their own internal audiences, and also that the NGOs (as recipients, not donors) “capture” US AID to some extent. As an additional “am I understanding this issue correctly?” check, has Scott actually spoken to anyone involved in this process on the Trump administration side?
There are a bunch of other things wrong with Scott’s discussion of overhead, but it is not worth going through them all.
I am all for keeping the very good public health programs, and yes I do know they involve NGO partners, and jettisoning a lot of the other accretions. That is the true humanitarian attitude, and it is time to recognize it as such. Better rhetoric, better thinking, and less anger are needed to get us there. It is now time for Scott to return to his usual high standards of argumentation and evidence.
Sentences to ponder
In a landmark 2013 paper, David Autor, David Dorn and Gordon Hanson found that America lost an average of 90,000 jobs per year between 1990 and 2007 because of imports from China. But put that in perspective. According to Strain, five million Americans currently separate from their employers per month. Plus, in a 2019 paper, Robert C. Feenstra, Hong Ma and Yuan Xu found that the China shock job losses were largely offset by job gains, owing to higher exports.
Here is more from David Brooks (NYT).
The allocation of US AID funds
According to Marco Rubio only 12 cents of every dollar spent from USAID went to recipients, the other 88 cents went to NGOs who pocketed the money.
I tried to fact check that with o3:
However you draw the line, before 2017 well over half—and usually more like 75-90 percent—of USAID money was channelled through third-party NGOs, contractors, and multilateral agencies rather than handed straight to the governments or other local actors in the partner country.
I do support PEPFAR and the earlier vaccine programs, but perhaps those estimates have been underreported as of late? I do understand that not all third party allocations are wasteful, nonetheless something seems badly off here. Nor were many US AID defenders keen to deal with such estimates when the major debate was going on.
No Brains
Back in 2011 I wrote in The Atlantic that “The No-Brainer Issue of the Year” was “Let High-Skill Immigrants Stay”:
We should create a straightforward route to permanent residency for foreign-born students who graduate with advance degrees from American universities, particularly in the fields of science, technology, engineering and mathematics. We educate some of the best and brightest students in the world in our universities and then on graduation day we tell them, “Thanks for visiting. Now go home!” It’s hard to imagine a more short-sighted policy to reduce America’s capacity for innovation.
We never went as far as I advocated but through programs like Optional Practical Training (OPT) we did allow and encourage high-skilled workers to stay in the United States, greatly contributing to American entrepreneurship, startup creation (Stripe and SpaceX, for example, are just two unicorns started by people who first came to the US as foreign students), patenting and innovation and job growth more generally. Moreover, there appeared to be a strong bi-partisan consensus as both Barack Obama and Donald Trump have argued that we should “staple a green card to diplomas”. Indeed in 2024 Donald Trump said:
What I want to do, and what I will do, is—you graduate from a college, I think you should get automatically, as part of your diploma, a green card to be able to stay in this country. And that includes junior colleges, too.
And yet Joseph Edlow, President Trump’s appointee to lead the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), said that he wants to kill the OPT program.
“What I want to see is…us to remove the ability for employment authorizations for F-1 students beyond the time that they’re in school.”
It’s remarkable how, in field after field, driven by petty grievance and the illusion of victimhood. the United States seems intent on undermining its own greatest strengths.
I am pleased to have made the Time magazine 100 most influential people in philanthropy list
Here is the list, here is the profile of me. It is the Emergent Ventures winners who deserve the real credit, thanks to them! And all those at Mercatus who have contributed as well.
Claims about falling
There have been many ways to describe a 2-year-old boy surviving a 15-story free fall off an outdoor balcony into a small bush last week in Montgomery County, Maryland. But any discussion quickly gives way to the question: How?
…They treated the boy and took him to a nearby hospital with injuries including a broken leg and multiple internal injuries, police said. They described the injuries as “non-life-threatening” and said the child is expected to survive.
…Hosoi estimates that if a rabbit falls out of airplane and lands on dirt or something softer, the rabbit has a 50 percent chance of not being injured. From there, she said, you can look at animals and humans that are smaller or larger than rabbits.
“The rabbit is the borderline case,” Hosoi said. “Mouse survives. Smaller rabbit survives. Bigger than a rabbit probably results in injury.”
Here is the WaPo article, it is unclear what led to the fall. Should I believe that claim about the rabbit? So Noah could just toss his rabbit out of an airplane and it might be fine? I am not entirely persuaded.
Houston alligator kill markets in everything
In Houston, where custom boots are a source of great pride and style, one local brand is taking the bespoke boot experience to a new level. Republic Boot Company, known for its elevated, hand-crafted creations, just launched a Gator Hunt Experiencewhere customers can source an alligator hide, which will be transformed into a pair of cowboy boots.
Part adventure and part traditional craftsmanship, the experience begins with a hunt in the marshlands near Anahuac, about an hour from Houston, and ends with a custom-made pair of alligator-skin cowboy boots tailored to the client’s vision by a Republic Boot Company boot specialist.
Here is the full story. Note that it costs more for a larger alligator.
The new FTC commissioner Mark Meador
Frankly, he is just flat out terrible. You can read his recent document here. Early on he tells us:
Conservatives must reaffirm that concentrated economic power is just as dangerous as concentrated political power…
I suppose if you hold political power you might think that. Or try this bit from the conclusion:
But we can make it {antitrust law] more just by ensuring that we do not allow a preoccupation with economic speculation to water down robust enforcement, preferring to err on the side of cautious deconcentration rather than hopeful deference to the interests of concentrated economic powers. Powers, I will note, that apart from their putative lines of business increasingly declare open war on the moral values that undergird the foundation of our constitutional republic.
That last line segues into my next point, namely that perhaps he is hostile to economic analysis ecause it does not judge the morality of the companies under consideration. (By the way, if the company is truly evil, you might want market power and higher prices!) On p.32, he calls for explicitly limiting the influence of economists, for instance:
statutorily cabining the use of economic evidence…
You can debate what exactly he might mean by that, but he does not seem intent on raising the status of economists in governmental processes. Is moving further in that direction really the right way to go these days? He notes also that:
…antitrust law today has strayed into exactly the kind of “economic extravaganza” that Bork warned against.
Is he referring to Lina Khan?
Nor can he keep up a basic level of professionalism. Like so many on the current political right, he saves his greatest scorn for libertarians, who arguably are those most likely to see through the power charade. Here is one example:
Conservatives must reject the lies they have been told by libertarianism…
As a political motive, perhaps projection is sometimes underrated.
The link and pointer are via Larry.
The Fed will cut its staff
The Federal Reserve has said it will slash its workforce by 10 per cent in the coming years as it seeks to be a “responsible steward of public resources”.
Fed chair Jay Powell said in an internal email seen by the Financial Times that he had directed leadership at the Federal Reserve Board and its network across the US to “find incremental ways to consolidate functions where appropriate, modernise some business practices and ensure that we are right-sized and able to meet our statutory mission”.
He added: “Over the next couple of years, our overall staffing level will decline by about 10 per cent from today.”
The Federal Reserve Board in Washington employs about 3,000 people, while the entire system has 24,000 employees.
Here is the FT article. Not a bad thing in my view.
My thoughts on pharma pricing for The Free Press
Here is an excerpt:
Begin with a basic fact. Generics account for about 90 percent of all prescriptions, and for those drugs Americans pay less than the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) average. So while Americans do pay much higher prices for many new drugs, most of the time, for drugs like metformin, atorvastatin, and amoxicillin, they are getting a bargain.
Furthermore, high American healthcare expenditures are in line with our penchant for higher consumption spending in other sectors of the economy as well. Compared to Europeans, we also spend more on leisure and just about everything else.
Here is the full piece — don’t be a Supervillain!
The most important decision of the Trump administration?
It is finally getting some publicity. Of course I am referring to the AI training deals with Saudi Arabia and UAE. Here is an overview NYT article, and here is one sentence:
One Trump administration official, who declined to be named because he was not authorized to speak publicly, said that with the G42 deal, American policymakers were making a choice that could mean the most powerful A.I. training facility in 2029 would be in the United Arab Emirates, rather than the United States.
And:
But Trump officials worried that if the United States continued to limit the Emirates’ access to American technology, the Persian Gulf nation would try Chinese alternatives.
Of course Saudi and the UAE have plenty of energy, including oil, solar, and the ability to put up nuclear quickly. We can all agree that it might be better to put these data centers on US territory, but of course the NIMBYs will not let us build at the required speeds. Not doing these deals could mean ceding superintelligence capabilities to China first. Or letting other parties move in and take advantage of the abilities of the Gulf states to build out energy supplies quickly.
In any case, imagine that soon the world’s smartest and wisest philosopher will soon again be in Arabic lands.
We seem to be moving to a world where there will be four major AI powers — adding Saudi and UAE — rather than just two, namely the US and China. But if energy is what is scarce here, perhaps we were headed for additional AI powers anyway, and best for the US to be in on the deal?
Who really will have de facto final rights of control in these deals? Plug pulling abilities? What will the actual balance of power and influence look like? Exactly what role will the US private sector play? Will Saudi and the UAE then have to procure nuclear weapons to guard the highly valuable data centers? Will Saudi and the UAE simply become the most powerful and influential nations in the Middle East and perhaps somewhat beyond?
I don’t have the answers to those questions. If I were president I suppose I would be doing these deals, but it is very difficult to analyze all of the relevant factors. The variance of outcomes is large, and I have very little confidence in anyone’s judgments here, my own included.
Few people are shrieking about this, either positively or negatively, but it could be the series of decisions that settles our final opinion of the second Trump presidency.
Addendum: Dylan Patel, et.al. have more detail, and a defense of the deal.
Manufacturing Went South
Excellent piece by Gary Winslett in the Washington Post. As I pointed out in my piece on Manufacturing and Trade, the US is a manufacturing powerhouse. So why did the rust belt rust? Because manufacturing went South.
The Rust Belt’s manufacturing decline isn’t primarily about jobs going to Mexico. It’s about jobs going to Alabama, South Carolina, Georgia and Tennessee…In 1970, the Rust Belt was responsible for nearly half of all manufacturing exports while the South produced less than a quarter. Today, the roles are reversed, it is the Rust Belt that hosts less than one-fourth of all manufactured exports and the South that exports twice what the Rust Belt does.
Why the move? Better policies:
Economic research suggests that labor conflict drove much of the decline of the Rust Belt. Right-to-work laws in the South, by contrast, created more operational flexibility and attracted capital. The average unionization rate in the Rust Belt is 13.3 percent; in the South, it’s 4.3 percent. Southern states’ political leaders are quite open about how they see right-to-work as foundational to their competitiveness.
But that’s far from the only factor. The South offers cheaper electricity, a critical input for energy-intensive manufacturing. Ten states in the South have industrial electricity rates under 8 cents per kilowatt-hour; zero states in the Rust Belt do. Ohio has some of the country’s most restrictive wind-energy setback regulations. You know who doesn’t? Texas.
Despite the economic growth, Southern states have built so much housing that they kept costs from becoming unaffordable. Last year, both North Carolina and South Carolina each built more than four times as much new housing per capita as Massachusetts, according to U.S. census data. Florida, Georgia, Texas, Tennessee, South Carolina and North Carolina, all built more housing per capita than all of Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, Pennsylvania, California, New York and Massachusetts. That is not just a 2024 dynamic. That is true for every single year going all the way back to 1993. Comparatively low-cost housing makes it easier to attract and retain workers, which further attracts capital, which adds yet more investment and jobs, and the virtuous cycle spins upward.
…Immigration helps a lot, as well. More immigrants live in the South than any other region of the country. The region with the fewest immigrants? The Midwest. Immigrants promote growth, makes the workforce more robust, and create the goods and services that support manufacturing.
Right-to-work laws, cheap energy, affordable housing, low-cost land, fast permitting, low taxes, immigration. That’s a powerful combination…
Neither party wants to face these realities. The Republicans are mired in victimology and don’t see that the South’s success is built on exporting and immigration, both of which they are cutting. The Democrats don’t want to acknowledge right to work laws, cheap energy and low taxes.
Both parties prefer simple villains, whether it’s China or greedy corporations. But what’s needed isn’t more warm fuzzies about the way things used to be or globalization scapegoating. It is a clear-eyed approach that understands why companies choose Alabama over Ohio and that embraces the choices made by Southern states. That means leaning into globalization, right-to-work, all-of-the-above energy policy, permitting reform, immigration and low taxes. America’s economic future depends on embracing this reality rather than in indulging in turn-back-the-clock fictions.
Econ 101 is Underrated: Pharma Price Controls
Econ 101 is often dismissed as too simplistic. Yet recent events suggest that Econ 101 is underrated. Take the tariff debate: understanding that a tariff is a tax, that prices represent opportunity costs, that a bilateral trade deficit is largely meaningless, that a so-called trade “deficit” is equally a goods surplus or an investment surplus—these are Econ 101 ideas. Simple but important.
Today’s example is Trump’s Executive Order on pharmaceutical pricing. It builds on the Biden Administration’s Inflation Reduction Act, which I’ve criticized as failing the marshmallow test. Now Trump is trying to go further—threatening antitrust action and even drug delistings unless pharmaceutical firms equalize prices globally. Tyler and I explored exactly this type of policy in our Econ 101 textbook, Modern Principles of Economics.
In our chapter on price discrimination, we first show that pharmaceutical firms will want to charge different prices in different markets depending on the elasticity of demand. In order to do so, they must prevent arbitrage. Hence the opening to that chapter:
After months of investigation, police from Interpol swooped down on an international drug syndicate operating out of Antwerp, Belgium. The syndicate had been smuggling drugs from Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania into the port of Antwerp for distribution throughout Europe. Smuggling had netted the syndicate millions of dollars in profit. The drug being smuggled? Heroin? Cocaine? No, something more valuable: Combivir. Why was Combivir, the anti-AIDS drug we introduced in Chapter 13 , being illegally smuggled from Africa to Europe when Combivir was manufactured in Europe and could be bought there legally?
The answer is that Combivir was priced at $12.50 per pill in Europe and, much closer to cost, about 50 cents per pill in Africa. Smugglers who bought Combivir in Africa and sold it in Europe could make approximately $12 per pill, and they were smuggling millions of pills. But this raises another question. Why was GlaxoSmithKline (GSK) selling Combivir at a much lower price in Africa than in Europe? Remember from Chapter 13 that GSK owned the patent on Combivir and thus has some market power over pricing. In part, GSK reduced the price of Combivir in Africa for humanitarian reasons, but lowering prices in poor countries can also increase profit. In this chapter, we explain how a firm with market power can use price discrimination—selling the same product at different prices to different customers—to increase profit.
Later in the Thinking and Problem Solving section we ask:
As we saw in this chapter, drug companies often charge much more for the same drug in the United States than in other countries. Congress often considers passing laws to make it easier to import drugs from these low-price countries (it also considers passing laws to make it illegal to import these drugs, but that’s another story).
If one of these laws passes, and it becomes effortless to buy AIDS drugs from Africa or antibiotics from Latin America—drugs that are made by the same companies and have essentially the same quality controls as the drugs here in the United States—how will drug companies change the prices they charge in Latin America and Africa? Why?
That, in essence, is the Trump policy. So what’s the likely outcome? Prices will fall in the U.S. and rise in poorer countries—but not equally. AIDS drugs, for example, save lives in Africa but generate little profit. If firms can’t prevent arbitrage, they’ll raise African prices closer to U.S. levels and lower U.S. prices only modestly.
The result is that importation will end up hurting patients in low-income countries while delivering minimal gains to Americans. Worse, by reducing pharmaceutical profits overall, it weakens incentives to develop new drugs. In fact, in the long-run U.S. consumers are better off when poorer countries pay lower prices—just as airline price discrimination makes more routes viable for both economy and first-class passengers.
The reference pricing envisaged in Trump’s EO focuses on developed countries but Dubois, Gandhi and Vasserman run the numbers in a fully-specified model and reach similar conclusions:
Using our estimates of consumer preferences, marginal costs, and bargaining parameters, we assess the impact of a counterfactual in which US pharmaceutical prices are subject to international reference pricing with respect to Canada or an average of several similar countries….Our results suggest that international reference pricing on its own is unlikely to produce dramatic savings to US consumers. Overall, reference pricing induces a substantial increase in the prices charged in reference countries but only a modest decrease in the prices charged in the US.
It’s also the case that countries that pay less for pharmaceuticals get them later than countries that pay more. Most importantly, such launch delays (and here) tend to reduce life expectancy.
Thus, Econ 101 provides a critical foundation for understanding current debates.
Beyond Econ 101, it’s worth highlighting how internally inconsistent Trump’s policies are. At the same time, as the administration is raising tariffs worldwide, it wants to greatly reduce restrictions on importing pharmaceuticals! The most charitable interpretation (steel-manning) is that the ultimate goal of the Trump approach is to boost industry profits and incentivize R&D by raising prices in other countries. But it’s hard to square that with reducing prices here. Either the investment is worth it or not. Instead of focusing on investment or efficiency, Trump frames everything as grievance and redistribution: other countries are “ripping us off,” so they must be made to pay. But the pie shrinks when you fixate on dividing it instead of growing it. Moreover, Trump’s belligerent approach is unlikely to succeed because, as with tariffs, it invites retaliation. Instead, we should be pursuing IP protections for pharmaceuticals as part of an overall free trade agreement. We did precisely this, for example, in the Australia–United States Free Trade Agreement (AUSFTA) in 2005. That type of bilateralism and negotiation is anathema to Trump, however, who sees the world in zero-sum terms. As a result, the Biden-Trump policies are likely to lead future Americans to have less access to life-saving and life-improving pharmaceuticals.
Addendum: See also many previous MR posts on pharmaceutical regulation including The US has Low Prices for Most Pharmaceuticals, Pharmaceutical Price Controls and the Marshmallow Test, Update on the supervillains and Frank Lichtenberg and the cost of saving lives through pharmaceuticals as well as many others.
The game theory of India and Pakistan
Now that the dust has settled at least temporarily, a few readers have asked me for comment on the recent clash. The events are difficult to understand, in part because of rampant misinformation and also because of genuine continuing uncertainty as to what happened. Nonetheless we do know two things:
1. The two sides whacked each other a fair amount, more than usual.
2. Neither sides resorted to nukes.
So in its simplest terms, we now know/suppose that the threshold for nuclear use is higher than we earlier might have estimated. Since very little was settled, the rational, game-theoretic presumption is that the two countries, in the future, will whack each other some more.
Yet there is a second-order effect. The more they whack each other with non-nuclear means, the more the weaker party (usually Pakistan, in this context) will feel tempted to lower the nuclear threshold, if only stochastically (this can be done, among other ways, by exercising imperfect control over factions in the armed forces). One way to put this point involves the Lucas critique — one instance of whacking never really establishes what the future nuclear threshold will be.
So there is more future whacking, and continuing and perhaps even growing uncertainty about where the nuclear threshold lies.
An institutionally more detailed take is possible, but perhaps this “crude” game-theoretic analysis captures some of the essentials. If you want to enrich the analysis, I would consider the variable “what we learned about the reaction functions of America and China,” although the full stories here are not yet out. The same is true for “what we learned about the possibly non-unitary nature of Pakistani governance.”
Eric Topol invites me to his podcast
You will find it here, along with a transcript. Interesting throughout, here is one excerpt from me:
The AI is your smartest reader. It’s your most sympathetic reader. It will remember what you tell it. So I think humans should sit down and ask, what does the AI need to know? And also, what is it that I know that’s not on the historical record anywhere? That’s not just repetition if I put it down, say on the internet. So there’s no point in writing repetitions anymore because the AI already knows those things. So the value of what you’d call broadly, memoir, biography, anecdote, you could say secrets. It’s now much higher. And the value of repeating basic truths, which by the way, I love as an economist, to be clear, like free trade, tariffs are usually bad, those are basic truths. But just repeating that people will be going to the AI and saying it again won’t make the AI any better. So everything you write or podcast, you should have this point in mind.
And:
I’ve become fussier about my reading. So I’ll pick up a book and start and then start asking o3 or other models questions about the book. So it’s like I get a customized version of the book I want, but I’m also reading somewhat more fiction. Now, AI might in time become very good at fiction, but we’re not there now. So fiction is more special. It’s becoming more human, and I should read more of it, and I’m doing that.
Recommended.
After months of investigation, police from Interpol swooped down on an international drug syndicate operating out of