Category: Medicine
Avoiding Repugnance
Works in Progress has a good review of the state of compensating organ donors, especially doing so with nudges or non-price factors to avoid backlash from those who find mixing money and organs to be repugnant. My own idea for this, first expressed in Entrepreneurial Economics, but many times since is a no-give, no-take rule. Under no-give, no-take, people who sign their organ donor cards get priority should they one day need an organ. The great virtue of no-give, no-take is that it provides an incentive to sign one’s organ donor card but one that strikes most people as fair and just and not repugnant. Israel introduced a no-give, no-take policy in 2008 and it appears to have worked well.
In March 2008, to increase donations, the Israeli government implemented a ‘priority allocation’ policy to encourage more people to sign up to donate organs after their deaths. Once someone has been registered as a donor for three years, they receive priority allocation if they themselves need a transplant. If a donor dies and their organs are usable, their close family members also get higher priority for transplants if they need them – which also means that families are more inclined to give their consent for their deceased relatives’ organs to be used.
In its first year, the scheme led to 70,000 additional sign-ups. The momentum continued, with 11.1 percent of all potential organ donors being registered in the five years after the scheme was introduced, compared to 7.7 percent before. According to a 2017 study, when presented with the decision to authorize the donation of their dead relative’s organs, 55 percent of families decided to donate after the priority scheme, compared to 45 percent before.
Do recessions benefit our health?
That is the topic of my latest Bloomberg column, here is one excerpt:
The human and economic costs of recessions are deep and well-documented. They can also have real health benefits, however, and seldom are they expressed so starkly as in this sentence in a new paper from the National Bureau of Economic Research: “The Great Recession provided one in twenty-five 55-year-olds with an extra year of life.”
…Overall, the paper notes, age-adjusted mortality in the US fell by 2.3% during the Great Recession. The finding, from professors at MIT, the University of Chicago and McMasters University, broadly tracks previous research showing that that mortality rates rise in good times and fall in hard times.
And:
One answer is related to air pollution, which is lower in recessions, typically because of reduced economic activity. The benefits of lower pollution levels persist long after the recession — at least 10 years, according to the researchers’ estimates. Air pollution reduction accounts for more than one-third of the mortality benefits from the Great Recession.
And all of this:
The data do provide some additional clues. Except for cancer, for example, all major causes of mortality fell during the Great Recession. Decreases in cardiovascular-related deaths accounted for about half the mortality gains during that time. Furthermore, the mortality benefits were concentrated among Americans without college degrees. You might think that some of these improved health outcomes were due to people losing their stressful, low-paying jobs, but unemployment can be pretty stressful too.
For a 55-year-old, according to the paper’s estimates, about one-quarter of the economic costs of the Great Recession were countered by these mortality gains. So the Great Recession was still a very bad event — just less bad than we used to think. That is especially true for less educated Americans, who were hit harder by unemployment but also reaped the mortality gains.
At the top end of the age distribution, Americans aged 65 and older didn’t lose much from the Great Recession, in part because so many were already retired or working only part-time (in some cases, they were ensconced in jobs they were not going to lose). The researchers estimate that those over age 60 were also better off, on net, from the Great Recession.
Worth a ponder. Here is the original paper by
Hurry up, people
Accelerating these vaccines by one week saves >156,000 lives. pic.twitter.com/WdcqckPnaY
— Maxwell Tabarrok (@MTabarrok) February 5, 2024
Scientific Talent Leaks Out of Funding Gaps
Lack of speed kills:
We study how delays in NIH grant funding affect the career outcomes of research personnel. Using comprehensive earnings and tax records linked to university transaction data along with a difference-in-differences design, we find that a funding interruption of more than 30 days has a substantial effect on job placements for personnel who work in labs with a single NIH R01 research grant, including a 3 percentage point (40%) increase in the probability of not working in the US. Incorporating information from the full 2020 Decennial Census and data on publications, we find that about half of those induced into nonemployment appear to permanently leave the US and are 90% less likely to publish in a given year, with even larger impacts for trainees (postdocs and graduate students). Among personnel who continue to work in the US, we find that interrupted personnel earn 20% less than their continuously-funded peers, with the largest declines concentrated among trainees and other non-faculty personnel (such as staff and undergraduates). Overall, funding delays account for about 5% of US nonemployment in our data, indicating that they have a meaningful effect on the scientific labor force at the national level.
That is the abstract of a new paper by Wei Yang Tham, Joseph Staudt, Elisabeth Ruth Perlman, and Stephanie D. Cheng. Here is my earlier piece, with Collison and Hsu, and what we learned doing Fast Grants.
Vaccine Induced Social Amnesia

NYT: In 2022, there were 941 reported cases of measles in the World Health Organization’s European region. Over just the first 10 months of last year, according to an alarming bulletin the W.H.O. issued in mid-December, there were more than 30,000.
This is the kind of spike — a 3,000 percent increase — that looks implausible in headlines….But as the year drew to a close, the European measles outbreak kept growing. Through December, case numbers in the region eventually reached over 42,000, and although the largest outbreaks were in countries most Americans regard as pretty remote (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Russia), there is also a vicious surge in Britain, which may look plausibly to us as the canary in a coal mine. There, in just one of England’s nine regions, the West Midlands, 260 cases have been confirmed and dozens more suspected, in a country which, as a whole, recorded just two cases as recently as 2021.
As David Wallace-Wells explains, vaccination rates are still 90%+ and down only slightly but measles is so infectious that even amid an otherwise well-vaccinated population, it can sometimes find pockets of low vaccination populations and spread like wildfire.
Measles is an especially nasty infection because it can induce “immunological amnesia“, thereby making individuals more susceptible to pathogens that they previously were able to resist.
Ironically, just as measles can induce immunological amnesia, vaccines can induce social amnesia about the severity of diseases, thereby making society more susceptible to pathogens that they previously were able to resist.
Dengue vaccine seems to be working?
Dengue outbreaks can affect 390 million persons yearly. In a trial involving 16,235 persons in Brazil, the live, attenuated, tetravalent Butantan vaccine was efficacious in all age groups at 2 years. Read the full trial results: https://t.co/YY0iRP2Xqb pic.twitter.com/8QkfoW6bif
— NEJM (@NEJM) January 31, 2024
I have been telling people that most major maladies will be fixable over the course of the next few decades…
Surgery is Not FDA Regulated
What would happen if the FDA regulated pharmaceuticals much less than currently? I have pointed to one useful comparison, new uses of old drugs do not have to go through FDA required efficacy trials in the new use. In other words, new uses of old drugs are regulated for safety-only. Thus,
“off-label prescribing” provides a window on to what a world of safety-only FDA regulation would look like. Off-label prescribing surely results in errors and problems but overall physicians tell us that off-label prescribing is highly beneficial and critical to good medical care.
Maxwell Tabarrok points to another useful comparison, surgery. Surgery is not FDA regulated, despite having many of the same asymmetric information problems as pharmaceuticals. Some surgical procedures are surely ineffective and unsafe. Yet, once again, the FDA-absent surgery market appears beneficial overall and like other markets it improves over time with greater safety and more efficacy. For example,
In the US, the death rate from medical and surgical care complications declined by 39% from 1999 to 2009.
Would we be better off if every new surgical procedure had to go through FDA-required efficacy trials before it could be offered to consumers?
Neither of these comparison proves that a world with less FDA regulation would be a better world but both refute the stories of a world run amuck in the absence of the FDA. In essence, the reason is that the world contains many sources of approval, recommendation, certification and review beyond the FDA and these would grow in scope and stature absent the FDA.
See Maximum Progress for more.
Addendum: More excellent Tabarrok material: The Spice Must Flow: The Dutch-Portuguese War-Part 1.
Why hasn’t the opioid epidemic converged to manageable levels?
There is a new NBER working paper on this very good question by David M. Cutler and J. Travis Donahoe:
Opioid overdose death rates in the United States have risen continuously for over three decades, increasing 2,142 percent in total from 1990 to 2020. This is surprising. One might expect drug epidemics to be self-limiting, as policy and individual behavior reacts to observed deaths. We study why opioid deaths have risen so greatly and for so long. We consider three reasons for a prolonged epidemic: exogenous and continuing changes in demand or supply, and spillovers in demand for opioids across users, which we term “thick market externalities.” We show there is no evidence of sufficiently large exogenous changes in the demand or supply of opioids that could explain such a prolonged increase in death rates. We test for spillovers using county-level data on opioid deaths from 1991–2018 and opioid shipments from 2006–2009, combined with data on friendships and distance between counties. Estimating a model with addiction and spatial spillovers, we find large spillovers in opioid use and deaths across areas. A shock that increases opioid death rates by 1 in an index county causes 0.38 to 0.76 more deaths in other counties because of spillovers. Because opioids are addictive, this leads to even more deaths and spillovers in future years. In some specifications, these effects are large enough to generate a continuously increasing epidemic without any ongoing changes in demand or supply. We estimate spillovers explain 84 to 92 percent of opioid deaths from 1990 to 2018 and are the main reason deaths have increased for so long.
Is there any way to make the spillovers in demand less strong?
Two Updates on the Value of Vaccines
1) From the recent annual meeting of the American Society of Tropical Medicine & Hygiene (abstract 6949) we learn that the R21/Matrix-M malaria vaccine maintained it’s efficacy over 4 seasons.
…Importantly, maintained high efficacy over four malaria seasons with only four doses is demonstrated, with no concerns to date of rebound in those who have not received repeated booster doses of the malaria vaccine. These data show that the R21/MM vaccine could significantly reducing malaria cases and deaths in children living in malaria endemic areas by inducing well maintained protective immunity.
This is excellent news and further supports my call for rapid, emergency distribution of malaria vaccines.
2) Glennerster, Kelly, McMahon, and Snyder estimate the value of a universal coronavirus vaccine. The COVID vaccines have been very valuable (see our Science paper) but each new variant of concern causes a spike in death rates. As new variants emerge, we modify the vaccines but that takes time and happens only after the death rate spikes. In addition, no one is thrilled with boosters. A universal coronavirus vaccine, and there are dozens in the works, could preclude the need to adjust vaccines on the fly and avoid or greatly ameliorate the death spikes. Based on reduced US mortality alone, Glennerster et al. estimate that a universal vaccine would be very valuable–so much so that an Advance Market Commitment on the order of $6-$10 billion would easily pass a cost-benefit test even if it had just say a 40% chance of accelerating a universal vaccine.
As I said repeatedly during COVID, billions<<Trillions.
Dose Optimization Trials Enable Fractional Dosing of Scarce Drugs
During the pandemic, when vaccines doses were scarce, I argued for fractional dosing to speed vaccination and maximize social benefits. But what dose? In my latest paper, just published in PNAS, with Phillip Boonstra and Garth Strohbehn, I look at optimal trial design when you want to quickly discover a fractional dose with good properties while not endangering patients in the trial.
[D]ose fractionation, rations the amount of a divisible scarce resource that is allocated to each individual recipient [3–6]. Fractionation is a utilitarian attempt to produce “the greatest good for the greatest number” by increasing the number of recipients who can gain access to a scarce resource by reducing the amount that each person receives, acknowledging that individuals who receive lower doses may be worse off than they would be had they received the “full” dose. If, for example, an effective intervention is so scarce that the vast majority of the population lacks access, then halving the dose in order to double the number of treated individuals can be socially valuable, provided the effectiveness of the treatment falls by less than half. For variable motivations, vaccine dose fractionation has previously been explored in diverse contexts, including Yellow Fever, tuberculosis, influenza, and, most recently, monkeypox [7–12]. Modeling studies strongly suggest that vaccine dose fractionation strategies, had they been implemented, would have meaningfully reduced COVID-19 infections and deaths [13], and perhaps limited the emergence of downstream SARS-CoV-2 variants [6].
…Confident employment of fractionation requires knowledge of a drug’s dose-response relationship [6, 13], but direct observation of both that relationship and MDSE, rather than pharmacokinetic modeling, appears necessary for regulatory and public health authorities to adopt fractionation [15, 16]. Oftentimes, however, early-phase trials of a drug develop only coarse and limited dose-response information, either intentionally or unintentionally. A speed-focused approach to drug development, which is common for at least two reasons, tends to preclude dose-response studies. The first reason is a strong financial incentive to be “first to market.” The majority of marketed cancer drugs, for example, have never been subjected to randomized, dose-ranging studies [17, 18]. The absence of dose optimization may raise patients’ risk. Further, in an industry sponsored study, there is a clear incentive to test the maximum tolerated dose (MTD) in order to observe a treatment effect, if one exists. The second reason, observed during the COVID-19 pandemic, is a focus on speed for public health. Due to ethical and logistical challenges, previously developed methods to estimate dose-response and MDSE have not routinely been pursued during COVID-19 [19]. The primary motivation of COVID-19 clinical trial infrastructure has been to identify any drug with any efficacy rather than maximize the benefits that can be generated from each individual drug [3, 18, 20, 21]. Conditional upon a therapy already having demonstrated efficacy, there is limited desire on the part of firms, funders, or participants to possibly be exposed to suboptimal dosages of an efficacious drug, even if the lower dose meaningfully reduced risk or extended benefits [16]. Taken together, then, post-marketing dose optimization is a commonly encountered, high-stakes problem–the best approach for which is unknown.
…With that motivation, we present in this manuscript the development an efficient trial design and treatment arm allocation strategy that quickly de-escalates the dose of a drug that is known to be efficacious to a dose that more efficiently expands societal benefits.
The basic idea is to begin near the known efficacious dose level and then deescalate dose levels but what is the best de-escalation strategy given that we want to quickly find an optimal dosage level but also don’t want to go so low that we endanger patients? Based on Bayesian trials under a variety of plausible conditions we conclude that the best strategy is Targeted Randomization (TR). At each stage, TR identifies the dose-level most likely to be optimal but randomizes the next subject(s) to either it or one of the two dose-levels immediately below it. The probability of randomization across three dose-levels explored in TR is proportional to the posterior probability that each is optimal. This strategy balances speed of optimization while reducing danger to patients.
Read the whole thing.
The Role of Friends in the Opioid Epidemic
Your friends are not always good for you:
The role of friends in the US opioid epidemic is examined. Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (Add Health), adults aged 25-34 and their high school best friends are focused on. An instrumental variable technique is employed to estimate peer effects in opioid misuse. Severe injuries in the previous year are used as an instrument for opioid misuse in order to estimate the causal impact of someone misusing opioids on the probability that their best friends also misuse. The estimated peer effects are significant: Having a best friend with a reported serious injury in the previous year increases the probability of own opioid misuse by around 7 percentage points in a population where 17 percent ever misuses opioids. The effect is driven by individuals without a college degree and those who live in the same county as their best friends.
That is from a new NBER working paper by Effrosyni Adamopoulou, Jeremy Greenwood, Nezih Guner, and Karen Kopecky.
The economics of semaglutide
…while one would certainly like to have these drugs available to these patients, if the price of these drugs doesn’t come down, you can make a good argument their cost will literally break Medicare. Why? Well, roughly 35% of Medicare patients are overweight or obese. Roughly 75% of people over 65 have coronary artery disease. (https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC6616540/#:~:text=The%20American%20Heart%20Association%20(AHA,age%20of%2080%20%5B3%5D.)
Even if you assume these numbers are independent of each other, which is very unlikely, because overweight people are more likely to have cardiovascular disease, this means at least 26% of the roughly 31 million Medicare recipients (and likely more) might benefit from these drugs. We have an eligible population for these drugs therefore of more than 8 million people. At current list prices we would be spending 8mil*1350*12 or about 130 billion dollars a year. Total Medicare spending is about 725 billion a year. So, Medicare spending would go up by more than 17% overnight and stay at that level for a long time to come.
Here is more from Gary Cornell, mostly about the degree of effectiveness.
Interview with Weight Loss Drugs Inventor Lotte Bjerre Knudsen
Knudsen: I don’t care that much about money, I’m a socialist! Here in Scandinavia, we teach our children teamwork from an early age. It’s not about the individual. And that’s how I am too. I have never asked for a raise in 34 years.
DER SPIEGEL: You never got more money? Not even now?
Knudsen: Yes, of course. But I didn’t push. I can’t see that capitalism and money make people happy. At Novo Nordisk, I have always preferred to use my credibility to demand more funding for science, not more salary for myself. I also have no intellectual property rights. They belong to the company because I gave them up when I was employed.
Here is the full interview, interesting throughout. Via the ever-excellent The Browser.
Asimov Press
Asimov Press, a new publishing venture that will produce books + magazines about progress in biotechnology, launched today. We’ll publish new articles regularly and hope you’ll follow! Modelled on Stripe Press, and we’re advised by a Works in Progress co-founder.
More on Pharma Pricing
A reader in the industry writes with excellent comments on yesterday’s post on the Chris Rock hypothesis.
Long-time reader, first-time emailer–love the show ;). I’ve been in and around the pharma industry for nearly 30 years, and I’ve spent time in gene therapy/gene editing where the one-time cure model dominates. Some thoughts on chronic vs. curative dosing and why a curative therapy is likely worth less:
- There’s a potential mismatch between payment for a drug and the accrual of value that justifies its price point. If I take a curative therapy for a disease like hemophilia (e.g., the new $2.9 M drug, Roctavian), the insurance company immediately incurs the cost of the drug, but the prime financial benefits (no more expensive chronic therapy, reduced expensive visits to the hospital) accrue over time. Patients switch insurance companies as they switch jobs, so the “payout” that justifies the treatment price accrues to the subsequent insurers. On chronic therapy, if a patient switches to another insurer, the new insurer picks up the payments so there’s no such disconnect. Rationally, insurers should pay more for chronic therapy, even in present value terms.
- Durability of effect is unknown until it isn’t. It’s difficult to charge for a drug as a cure until such time you know it’s a cure and have proven it as such. How long do you have to follow treated patients to prove that? Gene therapies are starting to show waning efficacy in some cases. The FDA mandates that you cannot include something in the drug label that has not been proven. Payors will point to a label and ask why they should pay for something that’s not on there. This can be mitigated by programs where the drug company pays back a portion of the cost if it doesn’t work, but collecting on that seems like a huge hassle–how do you prove that it stopped working (I can hear Mike Munger–“the answer to your question is transaction costs…”)?
- Sticker shock and headline numbers. A drug that costs $3 M or more is something the White House can use at a podium and get a reaction. Never mind that it gets paid back pretty quickly by discontinuing a therapy that costs hundreds of thousands per year–life-saving drugs should not cost millions of dollars! This puts downward pressure on one-time cures.
So, my perspective is that it is more difficult for a one-time treatment/cure to capture the value it creates vs. a chronic therapy. So, why did Lilly shares tumble on the news? More important than duration of therapy is market share vs. competitors. A more permanent solution (with no rebound after discontinuation) would more than make up for lost revenue on the back end by taking share from the competition on the front end. And THAT is why pharma is incentivized to pursue cures. Making a better drug will beat the competition, and a cure is a better drug. Big Pharma doesn’t necessarily pursue curative treatments directly because they don’t know how. Technologies like CRISPR and mRNA have to come up via biotechs that are purpose-built to maximize the platforms’ value and to understand/navigate the underlying technology. That said, Big Pharma has inked HUGE deals to gain access to these technologies (e.g., Pfizer/BioNTech), so they do seem to come around eventually.
These are all excellent points. On point 1, note that Medicaid creates similar incentives in that insurance firms want to farm long term costs onto Medicaid.
Point 3 suggests that we should be especially wary of price controls on cures. Sticker shock may drive us to price controls leaving us with treatments that look cheaper but are even more expensive in the long-run (and by present discounted value). Sovaldi is a case in point. Its initial $84,000 price generated huge opposition even though it typically cured hepatitis C infections and avoided many later liver cancers and saved money overall. Indeed, as I pointed out earlier, Sovaldi so reduced the number of liver transplants that more people with other diseases ended up with life-saving transplants.
This is also what I meant by starting in the right place. If you start in the right place you have some hope of getting to real causes and possible solutions.